Objective reporting on the SEAL team that killed bin Laden was as
easy to find as a Prius at a Michele Bachmann rally. The media simply
couldn’t help themselves. They couldn’t stop spooning out man-sized
helpings of testosterone -- the SEALs’
phallic weapons, their
frat-house, haze-worthy training, their
romance-novel bravado, their sweaty, heaving chests pressing against tight uniforms, muscles daring to break free...
You get the point. Towel off and read on.
What is it about the military that turns normally thoughtful
journalists into war pornographers? A reporter who would otherwise make
it through the day sober spends a little time with some unit of the
U.S. military and promptly loses himself in ever more dramatic language
about bravery and sacrifice, stolen in equal parts from Thucydides,
Henry V, and Sergeant Rock comics.
I’m neither a soldier nor a journalist. I’m a diplomat, just back
from 12 months as a Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) leader,
embedded with the military in Iraq, and let me tell you that nobody
laughed harder at the turgid prose reporters used to describe their
lives than the soldiers themselves.
They knew they were trading hours of
boredom for maybe minutes of craziness that only in retrospect seemed
“exciting,” as opposed to scary, confusing, and chaotic. That said, the
laziest private knew from growing up watching TV exactly what flavor
to feed a visiting reporter.
Tomgram: Peter Van Buren, Warrior Pundits and War Pornographers
[Note for TomDispatch Readers: I just wanted to point out that Adam Hochschild’s remarkable history of the warfighters and antiwar activists of World War I, To End All Wars: A Story of Loyalty and Rebellion, 1914-1918, got a rave front-page review Sunday in the last newspaper book review section standing, the New York Times’s. (Click here to read it.) With that in mind, let me remind you that the offer
this website made on May 3rd -- a personalized, signed copy of
Hochschild’s book in return for a $100 contribution (money which helps
keep us afloat) -- still stands. Go to our donation page to check it out. Tom]
As Department of Defense officials prepared for an invasion of Iraq
in early 2003, they were intent on giving good war at home and abroad
all at once -- and on creating images that, like the coming Pax Americana in the Middle East, would be forever. They planned, as they then liked to say, on “dominating the media environment.”
Ever since defeat in Vietnam, the military had, after all, been
working overtime experimenting with ways to rein in and control
reporters and coverage of its wars. Their ultimate solution in the
field was the “embedding” process, including pre-war “boot camps”
for journalists. By turning reporters into embeds and so creating
their own version of Stockholm syndrome, military officials expected to
ensure the kind of coverage they felt they deserved.
Meanwhile, in the war zone they built a quarter-million-dollar
stage set for nonstop war briefings. At home, they gave a boost to a
form of militarized “journalism” already up and running during Gulf War I
in which retired high military officers, like so many play-by-play
analysts on Monday Night Football, became regular TV news consultants.
This time around, they fielded a squadron of retired top brass, carefully coached by the Pentagon and sent out as “experts” to narrate America’s wars on almost every TV network imaginable.
In addition, over the years, they tamed the media effectively enough that war commanders like General David Petraeus could use it
as a megaphone to launch remarkably coordinated publicity blitzes for
their coming campaigns. The only thing none of the planners counted on
was the Afghans and Iraqis. Thanks to their ragtag insurgencies, the
half-life of triumph proved remarkably brief. Who now remembers that
American “heroine” Jessica Lynch? Or the triumphant, American-assisted toppling of Saddam Hussein’s statue in Firdos Square in Baghdad? Or the presidential Top Gun landing on the USS Abraham Lincoln and the abortive “Mission Accomplished” moment that followed?
But if the U.S. military failed to deliver good war, it was
remarkably successful when it came to delivering “good military.” As
the
recent blitzkrieg
of coverage of the SEALs and other special operations forces indicates,
the media remains deeply enamored with the U.S. military and Peter Van
Buren, an American diplomat just back from a year running a Provincial
Reconstruction Team in Iraq, offers an explanation of how this
happened on the ground. (His remarkable book on the experience,
We Meant Well: How I Helped Lose the Battle for the Hearts and Minds of the Iraqi People,
will be out in September. To catch Timothy MacBain’s latest TomCast
audio interview in which Van Buren discusses the farce of
nation-building in Iraq, click
here, or download it to your iPod
here.)
Tom
Why It Feels So Good to Be Embedded with the U.S. Military
by Peter Van Buren
In trying to figure out why journalists and assorted militarized
intellectuals from inside the Beltway lose it around the military, I
remembered a long afternoon spent with a gaggle of “fellows” from a
prominent national security think tank who had flown into Iraq. These
scholars wrote serious articles and books that important people read;
they appeared on important Sunday morning talk shows; and they served as
consultants to even more important people who made decisions about the
Iraq War and assumedly other conflicts to come.
One of them had been on the staff of a general whose name he dropped
more often than Jesus’s at a Southern Baptist A.A. meeting. He was a
real live neocon. A quick Google search showed he had strongly supported
going to war in Iraq, wrote apology pieces after no one could find any
weapons of mass destruction there (“It was still the right thing to
do”), and was now back to check out just how well democracy was working
out for a paper he was writing to further justify the war. He liked
military high-tech, wielded words like “awesome,” “superb,” and
“extraordinary” (pronounced EXTRA-ordinary) without irony to describe
tanks and guns, and said in reference to the Israeli Army, “They give me
a hard-on.”
Fearing the Media vs. Using the Media
Such figures are not alone. Nerds, academics, and journalists have
had trouble finding ways to talk, write, or think about the military in a
reasonably objective way. A minority of them have spun off into the
dark side, focused on the My Lai, Full Metal Jacket, and Platoon-style
psycho killers. But most spin in the other direction, portraying our
men and women in uniform as regularly, daily, hourly saving Private
Ryan, stepping once more into the breach, and sacking out each night
knowing they are abed with brothers.
I sort of did it, too. As a State Department Foreign Service Officer
embedded with the military in Iraq, I walked in... er, deployed,
unprepared. I had never served in the military and had rarely fired a
weapon (and never at anything bigger than a beer can on a rock ledge).
The last time I punched someone was in ninth grade. Yet over the course
of a year, I found myself living and working with the 82nd Airborne,
followed by the 10th Mountain Division, and finally the 3rd Infantry
Division, three of the most can-do units in the Army. It was...
seductive.
The military raised a lot of eyebrows in my part of the world early
in the Iraq invasion with their policy of embedding journalists with
front-line troops. Other than preserving OpSec (Operational Security for
those of you who have never had The Experience) and not giving
away positions and plans to the bad guys, journalists were free to see
and report on anything. No restrictions, no holding back.
Growing
up professionally within the State Department, I had been raised to
fear the media. “Don’t end up on the front page of the Washington Post,”
was an often-repeated warning within the State Department, and many a
boss now advises young Foreign Service Officers to “re-read that email
again, imagining it on the Internet, and see if you still want to send
it.” And that’s when we’re deciding what office supplies to recommend to
the ambassador, not anything close to the life-and-death stuff a
military embed might witness.
When I started my career, the boogieman was syndicated columnist Jack Anderson, then Washington Post columnist Al Kamen.
Now, it’s Jon Stewart and Wikileaks. A mention by name in any of those
places is career suicide. Officially, State suggests we avoid
“unscripted interactions” with the media. Indeed, in his book on Iraq
and Afghan nation-building, Armed Humanitarians,
Nathan Hodge brags about how he did get a few State Department people
to talk to him anonymously in a 300-page book with first-person military
quotes on nearly every page.
So, in 2003, we diplomats sat back and smugly speculated that the
military didn’t mean it, that they’d stage-manage what embedded
journalists would see and who they would be allowed to speak to. After
all, if someone screwed up and the reporter saw the real thing, it would
end up in disaster, as in fact happened when Rolling Stone’s Michael Hastings got Afghan War commander Stanley McCrystal axed as a “runaway general.”
We were, however, dead wrong. As everyone now agrees, journalists
saw what they saw and talked to whomever they chose and the military
facilitated the process. Other than McCrystal (who has since been redeemed by the same president who fired him), can anyone name another military person whacked by reporting?
I’m waiting.
I saw it myself in Iraq. General Ray Odierno,
then commander of all troops in Iraq, would routinely arrive at some
desert dump where I happened to be, reporters in tow. I saw for myself
that they would be free to speak about anything to anyone on that
Forward Operating Base (which, in acronym-mad Iraq, we all just called a
FOB, rhymes with “cob”). The only exception would be me: State had a
long-standing policy that on-the-record interviews with its officials
had to be pre-approved by the Embassy or often by the Washington
Mothership itself.
Getting such an approval before a typical reporter’s deadline ran out
was invariably near impossible, which assumedly was the whole point of
the system. In fact, the rules got even tougher over the course of my
year in the desert. When I arrived, the SOP (standard operating
procedure) allowed Provincial Reconstruction Team leaders to talk to
foreign media without preapproval (on the assumption that no one in
Washington read their pieces in other languages anyway and thus no one
in the field could get into trouble). This was soon rescinded
countrywide and preapproval was required even for these media
interactions.
Detouring around me, the reporters would ask soldiers their opinions
on the war, the Army, or even controversial policies like DADT. (Do I
have to freaking spell it out for you? Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.) The
reporters would sit through the briefings the general received,
listening in as he asked questions. They were exposed to classified
material, and trusted not to reveal it in print. They would go out on
patrols led by 24-year-old lieutenants, where life-and-death decisions
were often made, and were free to report on whatever they saw. It always
amazed me -- like that scene in The Wizard of Oz where everything suddenly changes from black and white into color.
Fear Not: The Force Is With You
But the military wasn’t worried. Why? Because its officials knew
perfectly well that for reporters the process was -- not to mince words
-- seductive. The world, it turns out, is divided into two groups, those
who served in the military and those who didn’t. For the rare
journalists with service time, this would be homecoming, a chance to
relive their youth filtered through memory. For the others, like me,
embedding with the military felt like being invited in -- no, welcomed
-- for the first time by the cool kids.
You arrive and, of course, you feel awkward, out of place. Everyone
has a uniform on and you’re wearing something inappropriate you bought
at L.L. Bean. You don’t know how to wear your body-armor vest and
helmet, which means that someone has to show you how to dress yourself.
When was the last time that happened? Instead of making fun of you,
though, the soldier is cool with it and just helps.
Then, you start out not knowing what the hell anyone is saying,
because they throw around terms like FOB and DFAC and POS and LT and
BLUF and say Hoo-ah, but sooner or later someone begins to explain them
to you one by one, and after a while you start to feel pretty cool
saying them yourself and better yet, repeating them to people at home in
emails and, if you’re a journalist, during live reports. (“Sorry Wolf,
that’s an insider military term. Let me explain it to our viewers…”)
You go out with the soldiers and suddenly you’re riding in some kind
of armored, motorized monster truck. You’re the only one without a
weapon and so they have to protect you. Instead of making fun of you and
looking at you as if you were dressed as a Naughty Schoolgirl, they’re
cool with it. Bored at only having one another to talk to, fellow
soldiers who eat the exact same food, watch the exact same TV, and
sleep, pee and work together every day for a year, the troops see you as
quite interesting. You can’t believe it, but they really do want to
know what you know, where you’ve been, and what you’ve seen -- and you
want to tell them.
Even though you may be only a few years older than many of them, you
feel fatherly. For women, it works similarly, but with the added bonus
that, no matter what you look like, you’re treated as the most beautiful
female they’ve seen in the last six months -- and it’s probably true.
The same way one year in a dog’s life equals seven human years, every
day spent in a war zone is the equivalent of a month relationship-wise.
You quickly grow close to the military people you’re with, and though
you may never see any of them again after next week, you bond with them.
You arrived a stranger and a geek. Now, you eat their food, watch
their TV, and sleep, pee, and work together every day. These are your
friends, at least for the time you’re together, and you’re never going
to betray them. Under those circumstances, it’s harder than hell to say
anything bad about the organization whose lowest ranking member just
gave up his sleeping bag without prompting because you were too green
and dumb to bring one with you.
One time I got so sick that I spent half a day inside a latrine
stall. What got me out was some anonymous soldier tossing a packet of
anti-diarrheal medicine in. He never said a word, just gave it to me and
left. He’d likely do the same if called upon to protect me, help move
my gear, or any of a thousand other small gestures.
So, take my word for it, it’s really, really hard to write about the
military objectively, even if you try. That’s not to say that all
journalists are shills; it’s just a warning for you to take care when
you’re hanging out with, or reading, our warrior-pundits.
And yet having some perspective on the military and what it does
matters as we threaten to slip into yet more multigenerational wars
without purpose, watch the further militarization
of foreign affairs, and devote ever more of our national budget to the
military. War lovers and war pornographers can’t offer us an objective
look at a world in which more and more foreigners only run into
Americans when they are wearing green and carrying weapons.
I respect my military colleagues, at least the ones who took it all
seriously enough to deserve that respect, and would not speak ill of
them. Some do indeed make enormous sacrifices, including of their own
lives, even if for reasons that are ambiguous at best to a majority of
Americans. But in order to understand these men and women and the tasks
they are set to, we need journalists who are willing to type with both
hands, not just pass on their own wet dreams to a gullible public.
Civilian control of our military is a cornerstone of our republic,
and we the people need to base our decisions on something better than
Sergeant Rock comic rewrites.