Taking the Cake: The Creeping
Militarism of the Libyan Crisis
by Chris Floyd
The howling hypocrisy of the American response to the uprising in
Libya has been so jaw-dropping and nauseating that I've hardly been able
to address it. Fortunately,
Seamus Milne is on the case, and voices much of my thinking about the matter:
"The same western leaders who happily
armed and did business with the Gaddafi regime until a fortnight ago
have now slapped sanctions on the discarded autocrat and blithely
referred him to the international criminal court the United States won't
recognise."
Yes, does this not, as they say, take the cake ... and the plate and
the forks and the napkins too? The United States pushing through a
measure to refer Libyan leaders to an international court which the
United States resolutely refuses to recognize -- lest its own leaders
and their underlings find themselves in the dock for the most monstrous
war crimes of this century?
Yet even today,
the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate was sternly wagging his finger at
Gaddafi and his underlings, telling them they "will be held accountable"
for their actions before the august institutions of international
justice, which weigh the whole world in the balance ... except for the
Peace prize-winning drone assassin and Continuer-in-Chief of a worldwide
campaign of state terror, that is.
But now back to Milne:
"With Colonel Gaddafi and his
loyalists showing every sign of digging in, the likelihood must be of
intensified conflict – with all the heightened pretexts that would offer
for outside interference, from humanitarian crises to threats to oil
supplies.
"But any such intervention would
risk disaster and be a knife at the heart of the revolutionary process
now sweeping the Arab world. Military action is needed, US and British
politicians claim, because Gaddafi is "killing his own people". Hundreds
have certainly died, but that's hard to take seriously as the principal
motivation.
"When more than 300 people were killed by
Hosni Mubarak's security forces in a couple of weeks, Washington
initially called for "restraint on both sides". In Iraq, 50,000 US
occupation troops protect a government which last Friday killed 29
peaceful demonstrators demanding reform. In Bahrain, home of the US
fifth fleet, the regime has been shooting and gassing protesters with
British-supplied equipment for weeks.
"The "responsibility to protect" invoked
by those demanding intervention in Libya is applied so selectively that
the word hypocrisy doesn't do it justice. And the idea that states which
are themselves responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands in
illegal wars, occupations and interventions in the last decade, along
with mass imprisonment without trial, torture and kidnapping, should be
authorised by international institutions to prevent killings in other
countries is simply preposterous."
One key point Milne makes here deserves underlining: Western military
intervention would be "a knife at the heart of the revolutionary
process now sweeping the Arab world." But of course, that's exactly what
Peace prizeniks and Etonian schoolboys now leading the "Free World"
would like to see happen. As Milne notes, the Arab Awakening is
threatening some of the West's favorite dictators and tough guys, from
the religious extremists in Saudi Arabia to the ever-complaisant
corruptocrats in Bahrain to the client brutalists in Iraq and
elsewhere.The dullards directing world affairs have been desperately
casting about for a way to put the kibosh on the movement - and Libya
might give them the opening they've been fumbling for.
Milne again:
"The reality is that the western powers
which have backed authoritarian kleptocrats across the Middle East for
decades now face a loss of power in the most strategically sensitive
region of the world as a result of the Arab uprisings and the prospect
of representative governments. They are evidently determined to
appropriate the revolutionary process wherever possible, limiting it to
cosmetic change that allows continued control of the region.
"In Libya, the disintegration of the
regime offers a crucial opening. Even more important, unlike Tunisia and
Egypt, it has the strategic prize of the largest oil reserves in
Africa. Of course the Gaddafi regime has moved a long way from the days
when it took over the country's oil, kicked out foreign bases and funded
the African National Congress at a time when the US and Britain branded
Nelson Mandela a terrorist.
"Along with repression, corruption and a
failure to deliver to ordinary Libyans, the regime has long since bent
the knee to western power, as Tony Blair and his friends were so keen to
celebrate, ditching old allies and nuclear ambitions while offering
privatised pickings and contracts to western banks, arms and oil
corporations such as BP.
"Now the prospect of the regime's fall
offers the chance for much closer involvement – western intelligence has
had its fingers in parts of the Libyan opposition for years – when
other states seem in danger of spinning out of the imperial orbit. ...
Military intervention wouldn't just be a threat to Libya and its people,
but to the ownership of what has been until now an entirely organic,
homegrown democratic movement across the region."
Again, that would be -- will be? -- the very point of any
type of Western military intervention in Libya: to kill a popular,
democratic movement that is at present beyond the control of the
imperial militarists along the Potomac. Such an intervention would allow
Gaddafi and other tyrants under threat to paint opponents to their rule
as "tools of the imperialists," while rallying many who oppose them
back to their side, to defend the nation against outsiders. This in turn
would help "stabilize" the revolutionary situations -- and the leaders,
now safe once more, could then turn back to their cynical backroom
deals with the West, and hoarding the blood and toil of their people in
the cool vaults of Swiss banks. Hey, it's a win-win situation all
around.
Events are in free, chaotic flow right now. The Libyan
opposition might be able to oust Gaddafi before President Peacey and
Prime Minister Fauntleroy go in with guns blazing. And events elsewhere
might suddenly erupt and draw off attention and resources. But we are
certainly seeing a creeping militarization in the response to the Libyan
uprising -- and behind the exigencies of this crisis, there is the
deeper shadow that Milne discerns: the longer-range project to diffuse
and destroy the Arab Awakening before it further spreads its genuine
threat to the business-as-usual dominance of Western elites.