Democracy And The Battle In Wisconsin
by TRNN
John Nichols: We don't elect kings with term limits,
democracy is a struggle over public policy
Bio
John Nichols, a
pioneering political blogger, has written the Beat since 1999. His posts
have been circulated internationally, quoted in numerous books and
mentioned in debates on the floor of Congress.
Nichols writes about politics for The Nation magazine as its Washington
correspondent. He is a contributing writer for The Progressive and In
These Times and the associate editor of the Capital Times, the daily
newspaper in Madison, Wisconsin. His articles have appeared in the New
York Times, Chicago Tribune and dozens of other newspapers.Nichols is
the author of The Genius of Impeachment (The New Press); a critically
acclaimed analysis of the Florida recount fight of 2000, Jews for
Buchanan (The New Press); and a best-selling biography of Vice President
Dick Cheney, Dick: The Man Who is President (The New Press), which has
recently been published in French and Arabic. He edited Against the
Beast: A Documentary History of American Opposition to Empire (Nation
Books), of which historian Howard Zinn said: "At exactly the time when
we need it most, John Nichols gives us a special gift--a collection of
writings, speeches, poems, and songs from throughout American
history--that reminds us that our revulsion to war and empire has a long
and noble tradition in this country."
With Robert W. McChesney, Nichols has co-authored the books It's the
Media, Stupid! (Seven Stories), Our Media, Not Theirs (Seven Stories),
Tragedy and Farce: How the American Media Sell Wars, Spin Elections, and
Destroy Democracy (The New Press) and, most recently, The Death and
Life of American Journalism (Nation Books). McChesney and Nichols are
the co-founders of Free Press, the nation's media-reform network, which
organized the 2003 and 2005 National Conferences on Media Reform.
PAUL JAY, SENIOR
EDITOR, TRNN: Welcome to The Real News Network. I'm Paul Jay in
Washington. On Sunday morning on ABC, here's what George Will had to say
about the battle in Wisconsin. ~~~GEORGE
WILL, JOURNALIST AND AUTHOR: Donna, what you call the "grassroots" is a
tiny minority of this tiny minority of Wisconsin people who work for
the government. Three hundred thousand public employees in Wisconsin
went to work while the teachers were clutching their little signs that
say it's all about the kids, were abandoning their classrooms, lying to
their supervisors, saying they were sick, and going off to protest in
defense of perquisites, which, if the government cuts them as much as he
plans to do, would still leave them better off than their private
sector comparables.~~~JAY: Now joining us from Madison, Wisconsin, is the political writer for The Nation magazine, John Nichols. Thanks for joining us, John. So you are a seventh-generation Wisconsinonian. JOHN NICHOLS, POLITICAL CORRESPONDENT, THE NATION: Wisconsonite, actually. JAY: Wisconsonite--thank you. So how do you react to George Will's comment?NICHOLS:
Essentially what he did there was read the talking points that have
been put out by Governor Walker's office, Governor Walker being the
Wisconsin governor who has proposed to take away the collective
bargaining rights of trade unionists in Wisconsin who are in the public
employ. Now, the important thing to understand is how fundamentally
wrong those talking points are, and by extension George Will. JAY:
So first start with his first point, that the size of the crowd, which I
guess at that time he's saying 50,000--I mean, is that--first of all,
is that even an accurate figure, that the crowds have not been bigger
than 50,000?NICHOLS: Well, he's wrong. On Saturday, which
was the day before he was on air, the crowd was easily 70,000 to 80,000
outside and another 8,000 to 10,000 inside the Capitol. These are
figures that come from the Madison Police. And, also, we did an
interesting thing. We asked one of the chief organizers of the largest
rally ever held in Madison, the largest political event ever held in
Madison--that was the 2004 rally with John Kerry and Bruce Springsteen.
That rally attracted 80,000 people. So I stood on the stage after the
closing rally on Saturday and asked this woman to take a good look
around at the crowd, and she pointed out, just from basic crowd
measurement, that this crowd on Saturday was substantially larger than
that 80,000. So the fact is that you could easily make a claim that this
was 100,000. It's just--Will is playing games. And let me say one other
thing that's important. We're not New York City or Washington, DC, or
Los Angeles. Fifty thousand people in the state of Wisconsin is a really
quite unprecedented number [inaudible] wasn't overly organized.JAY:
Well, the whole--according to George Will, it's--total number of public
employees is 300,000. So, you know, if 75 percent of the people out
there are public employees, I suppose that means you have just under a
third of all public employees actually out there marching.NICHOLS:
Well, can I offer a notion on that, though? Our public employees
actually work for a living. And so not all of them--unlike a lot of
people in the private sector, public employees have to work on the
weekend. They plough roads and do work in our hospitals, work at our
prisons. And so they don't all get to take off and come down and, you
know, come to Madison to protest. And so the fact is, for Will to make a
statement like that is not a assessment of something, or not an
observation. It's just simplistic propaganda.JAY: So if I
understand it correctly, the unions have not called for a general
strike. Essentially, workers are protesting on their own time, I guess,
although teachers are taking off work. Are there indications other
public sector workers are taking off work to go to these protests?NICHOLS:
In some cases there have been folks who have. But remember, when they
do that, they use a sick day or a vacation day. They take an economic
hit. They do it because they believe that a day that, you know, someone
else might have used for a vacation or for, you know, just cleaning up
around the house, taking a day off, should be put into the democratic
process. And so I'm not sure that's a particular crime.JAY:
Firemen showed up in quite a dramatic moment. The firemen came with
their drums and their bagpipes and their kilts. If I understand it
correctly, the firemen were actually exempt from this bill. Is that
right?NICHOLS: That's absolutely true. The governor played
a political game, for lack of a better way to put it. He recognized
that the most popular public employees in most surveys, and also just
from anecdotal evidence, are firefighters and police officers. Children
are trained to, you know, look up to them in all sorts of ways. And so
the governor exempted our uniformed personnel, or at least some of our
uniformed personnel, the fire and police, on the assumption that, at
that point, those unions would choose not to participate in the protest,
would choose not to object, because they were taken care of. But
something very interesting happened, and it's kind of the old-school
solidarity principle. The firefighters in Madison, the state's capital,
felt very uncomfortable with this deal, because the teachers,
especially, had gone out many times in support of the firefighters. And
so they stepped up, came to the teachers, and said, look, we'd like to
march with you. That then got firefighters in other communities--Beloit,
Racine, Kenosha, and Wilwaukee--to rethink what was going on. And so by
midweek you were seeing hundreds of firefighters show up at rallies and
protests, and they really have become in many ways the heroes of this
moment, very, very popular figures.JAY: It's significant
as well, because I think both the firemen's union and the police union
actually endorsed the governor in the election.NICHOLS:
Well, it's a little subtler than that. Some of the firefighters locals
and some of the police locals endorsed the governor in the election. He
did have some unionized support from those, but not the entire sector.
The bottom line on it is, though, that he gave them political cover, I
think, less because they had endorsed him than because--for just
messaging principles. You don't want to attack the most popular figures
or the figures who are generally seen as the most attractive. And so I
think he really tried to divide the labor movement, with an eye toward
being able to say that, well, you know, look, the firefighters and
police think I'm doing a great job. That didn't work, though. And the
interesting dynamic of it is that now the firefighters have become very
central players in this dispute, and there's rarely a rally where you
don't have a firefighter speaking.JAY: So one of the
things we heard on the media all over television on Sunday was this
argument: there was an election, say Tea Party supporters and other
people that support the governor; he has a mandate to do this; so isn't
that what democracy looks like? Because we're hearing a lot of people
chanting in the streets [that] this is what democracy looks like.NICHOLS:
Well, it's the great all-American debate: are we a republic or are we a
democracy? And the fact of the matter is that Wisconsin, like most
states, is considered a representative democracy. We do have elections,
and we choose people who then form a government, and they're supposed to
represent us, they're supposed to respond to the concerns of the
people. If we have elections, and those who prevail in the elections, by
however narrow a margin, are able to do whatever they want for four
years, then effectively we're no longer a representative democracy,
we're a monarchy: we have elected a king with a term limit. And
Wisconsinites have never accepted that principle. This is the state of
Robert M. La Follette [Sr.], the great progressive reformer. La
Follette's wonderful line was "Democracy is a life". Now, what he meant
by that was that on election day you begin a democratic process, you
choose someone, but then you remain involved, day in, day out,
throughout that tenure, to make sure that that person does represent
you, that they serve the popular will.JAY: So where does
this go? The Republican governor and Republican members of the state
assembly seem dug in. The democratic representatives have left the state
to prevent a quorum from taking place. What comes next here?NICHOLS:
Well, it's a real political stalemate, if you will, a staring contest.
Governor Walker has said, no, he will not back down. And I've known
Scott for a long time, and he is a very determined conservative. He
really believes in what he's doing. And I do think he's going to try and
hold the line on this and kind of keep from blinking. By the same
token, the strength of the turnouts, these tens of thousands of people
who have come to these rallies, has really stiffened the spine of the
Democratic legislators. And my sense is that they're not going to rush
to return to Madison from their location, their undisclosed location in
Illinois. At core, this is a battle about whether unions will exist,
whether they will have collective bargaining rights. It's come down to
that very simple principle. And one side or the other's going to win
this one. There's not really a middle ground.JAY: Is there
any discussion about a general strike of public sector workers, and
perhaps even asking private sector workers to join in, unionized private
sector workers?NICHOLS: Yes, there's been a great deal of
discussion about that, and there's been a great deal of question about
when you might do that. There are--there's disagreement. Some people
believe that all the state, county, and municipal employees, as well as
the teachers, should have gone out sometime this week, just showed the
state what it would be like to be without those services. But remember
these are public sector employees. They're very committed to delivering
services, to keeping the roads cleared in winter, to teaching kids in
school, to delivering chemotherapy in the hospitals. And so it's not
something that they're inclined to do, to deny service to their
constituents, to the people of this state. But I do think that that
discussion will continue. And there's some sense in my mind that if this
bill actually does pass in the form that it's been developed, that some
sort of broad strike, some sort of broad job action would actually be
quite likely. There's a deep anger out there right now and a great deal
of disappointment and frustration, and I suspect that might well--.JAY: Thanks very much for joining us, John.NICHOLS: It's been a pleasure.JAY: And thank you for joining us on The Real News Network.
End of TranscriptDISCLAIMER:
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