Author David Swanson Boldly Declares:
"War is a Lie" (Interview)
by Mickey Z.
A thorough refutation of every major argument used to justify wars, Swanson calls War is a Lie "a handbook of sorts, a manual to be used in debunking future lies before future wars have a chance to begin."
Rob Kall of OpEd News, goes
further, calling Swanson's latest, "an intellectual accomplishment that
lays out the truths about war and the lies that support in a way that
every peace activist, every anti-war organization and group must digest
and frankly, use as the tools to take the arguments against war to a new
more effective level."
I recently spoke with David Swanson about his book and related issues. Our conversation is below.
I Intend to Suggest: " Another World is Possible
WATCH VIDEO: Somehow, the good guys are now called "terrorists"
David Swanson on War and Peace
Planet Green: What is it about the way war is portrayed in mainstream culture that led you to write this book?
David Swanson: War is portrayed as good and glorious, as a crusade
against the gravest dangers, as something that makes us safer rather
than increasing our risk, as defensive rather than aggressive, as
humanitarian and a question of our responsibility to the people we are
terrorizing whether they want us in their countries or not, and as
unavoidable. If war lies are exposed, they are treated as an
exception. If one war is viewed as a mistake, it is as a mistake rather
than a crime, and as an exception rather than the norm. I was tired of
the Iraq War being treated as somehow unique when all wars are
based on lies, and when authors like you have documented the lies told
about World War II, the single most glorified and defended war.
PG: Has anything substantial changed about war-related propaganda in this post-9/11 world?
DS: There are always variations on the themes that have supported wars
for 10,000 years or so. The threat of the Soviet Union or communism was,
within a dozen years of its elimination, replaced with the threat of al
Qaeda or terrorism. I write in the book:
"Wars against an empire and an ideology would become
wars against a small terrorist group and a tactic. The change had some
advantages. While the Soviet Union could publicly collapse, a secretive
and widely dispersed collection of terrorist cells to which we could
apply the name al Qaeda could never be proven to have gone away. An
ideology could fall out of favor, but anywhere we fought wars or imposed
unwelcome control, people would fight back, and their fighting would be
'terrorism' because it was directed against us. This was a new
justification for never-ending war. But the motivation was the war, not
the crusade to eliminate terrorism which crusade would, of course,
produce more terrorism. The motivation was U.S. control over areas of
'vital interest,' namely profitable natural resources and markets and
strategic positions for military bases from which to extend power over
yet more resources and markets, and from which to deny any imaginable
'rivals' anything resembling 'American self-confidence.' This is, of
course, aided and abetted by the motivations of those who profit
financially from the war making itself."
PG: For many of the more mainstream readers, your Table of Contents alone is a wake-up call:
- Wars Are Not Fought Against Evil
- Wars Are Not Launched in Defense
- Wars Are Not Waged Out of Generosity
- Wars Are Not Unavoidable
- Warriors Are Not Heroes
- War Makers Do Not Have Noble Motives
- Wars Are Not Prolonged for the Good of Soldiers
- Wars Are Not Fought on Battlefields
- Wars Are Not Won, and Are Not Ended By Enlarging Them
- War News Does Not Come From Disinterested Observers
- War Does Not Bring Security and Is Not Sustainable
- Wars Are Not Legal
- Wars Cannot Be Both Planned and Avoided
- War Is Over If You Want It
DS: I intend through the course of this argument to demonstrate that all
of the claims used to launch specific wars are false, and all of the
beliefs that support the war economy and dangerous presidential war
powers are based on fundamental lies. Not only were specific documented
lies used to launch each war the United States has entered, but new lies
have been told to keep them going and to defend them after the
fact. And the lie that our nation and the world can survive the course
we're on, environmentally, economically, or while maintaining
representative government, is the largest lie there is. Through the
argument of Chapter 4 against the inevitability of war, and through the
proposals in Chapter 14 for a different approach to foreign relations, I
intend to suggest that another world is possible and that seeing
through deeply entrenched lies can help us get there—lies of the sort
that allow us to utter such phrases as "military aid" or "department of
defense" or "preemptive war."
PG: Absolutely another world is possible—a world in which the
War Department being renamed the Department of Defense would be greeted
with derision and outrage. But—and here’s the one million taxpayer
dollars per minute question—how do we wean the public off its addiction
to all things military?
DS: As much as I think the public needs enlightenment, I think the
blame here goes first to our misrepresentatives in Congress. The public
backs wars when they're new, but then turns against them and says they
should never have been launched and should be ended. And Congress does
not end them. When asked how they would alter the federal budget, a
majority of Americans says we should significantly cut the military and
invest in useful things. So, one answer is that we need the sort of reforms described in my earlier book, Daybreak, reforms to restrain the corrupting influence of money and party as well as propaganda.
That being said, the goal of my new book is to move people to the point
where we don't support wars even when they're new. A little
consideration of the past suggests that we've been fooled more than
enough times. It's not just the incidents invented, manufactured, or
seized upon to initiate wars that are lies. The stories we are told to
keep wars going once begun and to whitewash them once they're over, as
well as the pretenses that they're over when they are not, are likewise
based on lies. A web of long-accepted lies supports the destruction of
our economy through diversion of our wealth into wars, into preparation
for wars, and into a network of military bases around the globe. The
idea that we can survive this war machine environmentally, economically,
or with a representative government intact is built on pure lies. And
the secret, unaccountable war-making powers established by deeply
entrenched lies about what endangers us and what protects us enables the
rising threat of small and secret and proxy and even unmanned wars,
wars that can be launched without any specific lies required.
PG: What would you like people to do immediately after reading your book?
DS: The easy answer is: buy more copies for your friends and libraries
and congress members, and to hand out at recruiting stations; post your
comments on Amazon and Barnes and Noble and Powell's and my website,
and call television producers to tell them about the book. The harder
answer is what to do for a longer period. What each person can best do
is going to vary with where they are and what they're good at and
interested in. Everyone should sign up at my site and join the campaigns at Defund War.
We have to push for cuts to the military machine as a key part of the
answer to the economic crisis, without letting up on the central moral
argument against the evil of war. Beyond that, should you work on
counter-recruitment or media, lobbying or nonviolent protest, education
or web design? I think it depends on what you find most rewarding,
because it all needs to be done.