Under a heavy
snowfall and to the slow beat of a drum, they walked to the White House
fence. They stood there until they were arrested.
The solemnity of that funerary march, the hush, was the hardest and most moving part of
Thursday’s protest
against the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. It unwound the bitter
memories and images of war I keep wrapped in the thick cotton wool of
forgetfulness. I was transported in that short walk to places I do not
like to go. Strange and vivid flashes swept over me—the young soldier in
El Salvador who had been shot through the back of the head and was, as I
crouched next to him, slowly curling up in a fetal position to die; the
mutilated corpses of Kosovar Albanians in the back of a flatbed truck;
the screams of a woman, her entrails spilling out of her gaping wounds,
on the cobblestones of a Sarajevo street. My experience was not unique.
Veterans around me were back in the rice paddies and lush undergrowth of
Vietnam, the dusty roads of southern Iraq or the mountain passes of
Afghanistan. Their tears showed that. There was no need to talk. We
spoke the same wordless language. The butchery of war defies, for those
who know it, articulation.
What can I tell you about war?
War perverts and
destroys you. It pushes you closer and closer to your own
annihilation—spiritual, emotional and, finally, physical. It destroys
the continuity of life, tearing apart all systems, economic, social,
environmental and political, that sustain us as human beings. War is
necrophilia. The essence of war is death. War is a state of almost pure
sin with its goals of hatred and destruction. It is organized sadism.
War fosters alienation and leads inevitably to nihilism. It is a turning
away from the sanctity of life.
And yet the
mythic narratives about war perpetuate the allure of power and violence.
They perpetuate the seductiveness of the godlike force that comes with
the license to kill with impunity. All images and narratives about war
disseminated by the state, the press, religious institutions, schools
and the entertainment industry are gross and distorted lies. The clash
between the fabricated myth about war and the truth about war leaves
those of us who return from war alienated, angry and often unable to
communicate. We can’t find the words to describe war’s reality. It is as
if the wider culture sucked the words out from us and left us to
sputter incoherencies. How can you speak meaningfully about organized
murder? Anything you say is gibberish.
The sophisticated
forms of industrial killing, coupled with the amoral decisions of
politicians and military leaders who direct and fund war, hide war’s
reality from public view. But those who have been in combat see death up
close. Only their story tells the moral truth about war. The power of
the Washington march was that we all knew this story. We had no need to
use stale and hackneyed clichés about war. We grieved together.
War, once it
begins, fuels new and bizarre perversities, innovative forms of death to
ward off the boredom of routine death. This is why we would drive into
towns in Bosnia and find bodies crucified on the sides of barns or
decapitated, burned and mutilated. That is why those slain in combat are
treated as trophies by their killers, turned into grotesque pieces of
performance art. I met soldiers who carried in their wallets the
identity cards of men they killed. They showed them to me with the
imploring look of a lost child.
We swiftly deform ourselves, our essence, in war.
We give up individual conscience—maybe even consciousness—for the
contagion of the crowd and the intoxication of violence. You survive war
because you repress emotions. You do what you have to do. And this
means killing. To make a moral choice, to defy war’s enticement, is
often self-destructive. But once the survivors return home, once the
danger, adrenaline highs and the pressure of the crowd are removed, the
repressed emotions surface with a vengeance. Fear, rage, grief and guilt
leap up like snake heads to consume lives and turn nights into long,
sleepless bouts with terror. You drink to forget.
We reached the
fence. The real prisoners, the ones who blindly serve systems of power
and force, are the mandarins inside the White House, the Congress and
the Pentagon. The masters of war are slaves to the idols of empire,
power and greed, to the idols of careers, to the dead language of
interests, national security, politics and propaganda. They kill and do
not know what killing is. In the rise to power, they became smaller.
Power consumes them. Once power is obtained they become its pawn. Like
Shakespeare’s Richard III, politicians such as Barack Obama fall prey to
the forces they thought they had harnessed. The capacity to love, to
cherish and protect life, may not always triumph, but it saves us. It
keeps us human. It offers the only chance to escape from the contagion
of war. Perhaps it is the only antidote. There are times when remaining
human is the only victory possible.
The necrophilia
of war is hidden under platitudes about honor, duty or comradeship. It
waits especially in moments when we seem to have little to live for and
no hope, or in moments when the intoxication of war is at its pitch to
be unleashed. When we spend long enough in war, it comes to us as a kind
of release, a fatal and seductive embrace that can consummate the long
flirtation with our own destruction. In the Arab-Israeli 1973 war,
almost a third of all Israeli casualties were due to psychiatric
causes—and the war lasted only a few days. A World War II study
determined that, after 60 days of continuous combat, 98 percent of all
surviving soldiers will have become psychiatric casualties. A common
trait among the 2 percent who were able to endure sustained combat was a
predisposition toward “aggressive psychopathic personalities.” In
short, if you spend enough time in combat you go insane or you were
insane to begin with. War starts out as the annihilation of the other.
War ends, if we do not free ourselves from its grasp, in
self-annihilation.
Those around me
at the protest, at once haunted and maimed by war, had freed themselves
of war’s contagion. They bore its scars. They were plagued by its
demons. These crippling forces will always haunt them. But they had
returned home. They had returned to life. They had asked for atonement.
In Lafayette Park they found grace. They had recovered within themselves
the capacity for reverence. They no longer sought to become gods, to
wield the power of the divine, the power to take life. And it is out of
this new acknowledgement of weakness, remorse for their complicity in
evil and an acceptance of human imperfection that they had found wisdom.
Listen to them, if you can hear them. They are our prophets.
The tears and
grief, the halting asides, the catch in the throat, the sudden breaking
off of a sentence, is the only language that describes war. This
faltering language of pain and atonement, even shame, was carried like
great, heavy boulders by these veterans as they tromped slowly through
the snow from Lafayette Park to the White House fence. It was carried by
them as they were handcuffed, dragged through the snow, photographed
for arrest, and frog-marched into police vans. It was carried into the
frigid holding cells of a Washington jail. If it was understood by the
masters of war who build the big guns, who build the death planes, who
build all the bombs and who hide behind walls and desks, this language
would expose their masks and chasten their hollow, empty souls. This
language, bereft of words, places its faith in physical acts of
nonviolent resistance, in powerlessness and compassion, in truth. It
believes that one day it will bring down the house of war.
As Tennyson wrote in “In Memoriam”:
Behold, we know not anything;
I can but trust that good shall fall