The Great Islamophobic Crusade: Inside
the Bizarre Cabal of Secretive Donors, Demagogic Bloggers,
Pseudo-Scholars, European Neo-Fascists, Violent Israeli Settlers, and
Republican Presidential Hopefuls Behind the Crusade
This network is obsessively fixated on the supposed spread of Muslim
influence in America. Its apparatus spans continents, extending from Tea
Party activists here to the European far right. It brings together in
common cause right-wing ultra-Zionists, Christian evangelicals, and
racist British soccer hooligans. It reflects an aggressively pro-Israel
sensibility, with its key figures venerating the Jewish state as a
Middle Eastern Fort Apache on the front lines of the Global War on
Terror and urging the U.S. and various European powers to emulate its
heavy-handed methods.
Little of recent American Islamophobia (with a strong emphasis on the
“phobia”) is sheer happenstance. Years before Tea Party shock troops
massed for angry protests outside the proposed site of an Islamic
community center in lower Manhattan, representatives of the Israel lobby
and the Jewish-American establishment launched a campaign against
pro-Palestinian campus activism that would prove a seedbed for
everything to come. That campaign quickly -- and perhaps predictably --
morphed into a series of crusades against mosques and Islamic schools
which, in turn, attracted an assortment of shady but exceptionally
energetic militants into the network’s ranks.
Besides providing the initial energy for the Islamophobic crusade,
conservative elements from within the pro-Israel lobby bankrolled the
network’s apparatus, enabling it to influence the national debate. One
philanthropist in particular has provided the beneficence to propel the
campaign ahead. He is a little-known Los Angeles-area software security
entrepreneur named Aubrey Chernick, who operates out of a security
consulting firm blandly named the National Center for Crisis and
Continuity Coordination. A former trustee of the Washington Institute
for Near East Policy, which has served as a think tank for the American
Israel Policy Action Committee (AIPAC), a frontline lobbying group for
Israel, Chernick is said to be worth $750 million.
Chernick’s fortune is puny compared to that of the billionaire Koch Brothers,
extraction industry titans who fund Tea Party-related groups like
Americans for Prosperity, and it is dwarfed by the financial empire of
Haim Saban, the Israeli-American media baron who is one of the largest private donors to the Democratic party and recently matched
$9 million raised for the Friends of the Israeli Defense Forces in a
single night. However, by injecting his money into a small but
influential constellation of groups and individuals with a narrow
agenda, Chernick has had a considerable impact.
Through the Fairbrook Foundation,
a private entity he and his wife Joyce control, Chernick has provided
funding to groups ranging from the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and
CAMERA, a right-wing, pro-Israel, media-watchdog outfit, to violent
Israeli settlers living on Palestinian lands and figures like the
pseudo-academic author Robert Spencer, who is largely responsible for
popularizing conspiracy theories about the coming conquest of the West
by Muslim fanatics seeking to establish a worldwide caliphate. Together,
these groups spread hysteria about Muslims into Middle American
communities where immigrants from the Middle East have recently settled,
and they watched with glee as likely Republican presidential
frontrunners from Mike Huckabee to Sarah Palin promoted their cause and parroted
their tropes. Perhaps the only thing more surprising than the
increasingly widespread appeal of Islamophobia is that, just a few years
ago, the phenomenon was confined to a few college campuses and an inner
city neighborhood, and that it seemed like a fleeting fad that would
soon pass from the American political landscape.
Birth of a Network
The Islamophobic crusade was launched in earnest at the peak of
George W. Bush’s prestige when the neoconservatives and their allies
were riding high. In 2003, three years after the collapse of President
Bill Clinton’s attempt to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian issue and in
the immediate wake of the invasion of Iraq, a network of Jewish groups,
ranging from ADL and the American Jewish Committee to AIPAC, gathered to
address what they saw as a sudden rise in pro-Palestinian activism on
college campuses nationwide. That meeting gave birth to the David
Project, a campus advocacy group led by Charles Peters, who had
co-founded CAMERA, one of the many outfits bankrolled by Chernick. With
the help of public relations professionals, Peters conceived
a plan to “take back the campus by influencing public opinion through
lectures, the Internet, and coalitions,” as a memo produced at the time
by the consulting firm McKinsey and Company stated.
In 2004, after conferring with Martin Kramer, a fellow at the
Washington Institute for Near East Policy, the pro-Israel think tank
where Chernoff had served as a trustee, Peters produced a documentary
film that he called Columbia Unbecoming.
It was filled with claims from Jewish students at Columbia University
claiming they had endured intimidation and insults from Arab
professors. The film portrayed that New York City school’s Department
of Middle East and Asian Languages and Cultures as a hothouse of
anti-Semitism.
In their complaints, the students focused on one figure in particular: Joseph Massad,
a Palestinian professor of Middle East studies. He was known for his
passionate advocacy of the formation of a binational state between
Israel and Palestine, as well as for his strident criticism of what he
termed “the racist character of Israel.” The film identified him as “one
of the most dangerous intellectuals on campus,” while he was featured
as a crucial villain in The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America,
a book by the (Chernick-funded) neoconservative activist David
Horowitz. As Massad was seeking tenure at the time, he was especially
vulnerable to this sort of wholesale assault.
When the controversy over Massad’s views intensified, Congressman Anthony Weiner, a liberal New York Democrat who once described himself
as a representative of “the ZOA [Zionist Organization of America] wing
of the Democratic Party,” demanded that Columbia President Lee
Bollinger, a renowned First Amendment scholar, fire the professor.
Bollinger responded by issuing uncharacteristically defensive statements
about the “limited” nature of academic freedom.
In the end, however, none of the charges stuck. Indeed, the
testimonies in the David Project film were eventually either discredited
or never corroborated. In 2009, Massad earned tenure after winning Columbia’s prestigious Lionel Trilling Award for excellence in scholarship.
Having
demonstrated its ability to intimidate faculty members and even
powerful university administrators, however, Kramer claimed a moral
victory in the name of his project, boasting to the press that “this is a
turning point.” While the David Project subsequently fostered chapters
on campuses nationwide, its director set out on a different path --
initially, into the streets of Boston in 2004 to oppose the construction
of the Islamic Society of Boston Cultural Center.
For nearly 15 years, the Islamic Society of Boston had sought to
build the center in the heart of Roxbury, the city’s largest black
neighborhood, to serve its sizable Muslim population. With endorsements
from Mayor Thomas Menino and leading Massachusetts lawmakers, the
mosque’s construction seemed like a fait accompli -- until, that is, the Rupert Murdoch-owned Boston Herald and his local Fox News affiliate snapped into action. Boston Globe columnist Jeff Jacoby also chimed in with a series of reports
claiming the center’s plans were evidence of a Saudi Arabian plot to
bolster the influence of radical Islam in the United States, and
possibly even to train underground terror cells.
It was at this point that the David Project entered the fray,
convening elements of the local pro-Israel community in the Boston area
to seek strategies to torpedo the project. According to emails
obtained by the Islamic Society’s lawyers in a lawsuit against the
David Project, the organizers settled on a campaign of years of nuisance
lawsuits, along with accusations that the center had received foreign
funding from “the Wahhabi movement in Saudi Arabia or… the Moslem
Brotherhood.”
In response, a grassroots coalition of liberal Jews initiated
inter-faith efforts aimed at ending a controversy that had essentially
been manufactured out of thin air and was corroding relations between
the Jewish and Muslim communities in the city. Peters would not,
however, relent. “We are more concerned now than we have ever been about
a Saudi influence of local mosques,” he announced at a suburban Boston synagogue in 2007.
After paying out millions of dollars in legal bills and enduring
countless smears, the Islamic Society of Boston completed the
construction of its community center in 2008. Meanwhile, not
surprisingly, nothing came of the David Project’s dark warnings. As
Boston-area National Public Radio reporter Philip Martin reflected in September 2010, “The horror stories that preceded [the center’s] development seem shrill and histrionic in retrospect.”
The Network Expands
This second failed campaign was, in the end, more about movement
building than success, no less national security. The local crusade
established an effective blueprint for generating hysteria against the
establishment of Islamic centers and mosques across the country, while
galvanizing a cast of characters who would form an anti-Muslim network
which would gain attention and success in the years to come.
In 2007, these figures coalesced into a proto-movement that launched a
new crusade, this time targeting the Khalil Gibran International
Academy, a secular Arabic-English elementary school in Brooklyn, New
York. Calling their ad hoc pressure group, Stop the Madrassah -- madrassah
being simply the Arab word for “school” -- the coalition’s activists
included an array of previously unknown zealots who made no attempt to
disguise their extreme views when it came to Islam as a religion, as
well as Muslims in America. Their stated goal was to challenge the
school’s establishment on the basis of its violation of the church-state
separation in the U.S. Constitution. The true aim of the coalition,
however, was transparent: to pressure the city’s leadership to adopt an
antagonistic posture towards the local Muslim community.
The activists zeroed in on the school’s principal, Debbie Almontaser, a veteran educator of Yemeni descent, and baselessly branded
her “a jihadist” as well as a 9/11 denier. They also accused her of --
as Pamela Geller, a far-right blogger just then gaining prominence put it,
“whitewash[ing] the genocide against the Jews.” Daniel Pipes, a
neoconservative academic previously active in the campaigns against
Joseph Massad and the Boston Islamic center (and whose pro-Likud think
tank, Middle East Forum, has received $150,000 from Chernick) claimed
the school should not go ahead because “Arabic-language instruction is
inevitably laden with Pan-Arabist and Islamist baggage.” As the campaign
reached a fever pitch, Almontaser reported that members of the
coalition were actually stalking her wherever she went.
Given what Columbia Journalism School professor and former New York Times reporter Samuel Freedman called
“her clear, public record of interfaith activism and outreach,”
including work with the New York Police Department and the
Anti-Defamation League after the September 11th attacks, the assault on
Almontaser seemed little short of bizarre -- until her assailants
discovered a photograph of her wearing a T-shirt produced by AWAAM, a
local Arab feminist organization, that read “Intifada NYC.” (“As AWAAM
provides young women with opportunities to become active as community
organizers and media producers, ‘intifada NYC’ is a call for
empowerment, service, civic participation and critical thinking in our
communities,” the organization explained once the controversy erupted.)
Having found a way to wedge the emotional issue of the
Israel-Palestine conflict into a previously New York-centered campaign,
the school’s opponents next gained a platform at the Murdoch-owned New York Post, where reporters Chuck Bennett and Jana Winter claimed her T-shirt was “apparently a call for a Gaza-style uprising in the Big Apple.” While Almontaser attempted to explain to the Post’s reporters that she rejected terrorism, the Anti-Defamation League chimed in on cue. ADL spokesman Oren Segal told the Post:
“The T-shirt is a reflection of a movement that increasingly lauds
violence against Israelis instead of rejecting it. That is disturbing.”
Before any Qassam rockets could be launched from Almonstaser’s
school, her former ally New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg caved to the
growing pressure and demanded her resignation, prompting the state’s
Department of Education to fire her. A Jewish principal who spoke no
Arabic replaced Almontaser, who later filed a lawsuit against the city
for breaching her free speech rights. In 2010, the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission ruled
that New York’s Department of Education had “succumbed to the very bias
that the creation of the school was intended to dispel” by firing
Almontaser and urged it pay her $300,000 in damages. The commission also
concluded that the Post had quoted her misleadingly.
Though it failed to stop the establishment of the Khalil Gibran
Academy, the burgeoning anti-Muslim movement succeeded in forcing city
leaders to bend to its will, and having learned just how to do that,
then moved on in search of more high-profile targets. As the New York Times reported at the time, "The fight against the school... was only an early skirmish in a broader, national struggle."
“It’s a battle that has really just begun,” Pipes told the Times.
From Scam to Publicity Coup
Pipes couldn’t have been more on the mark. In late 2009, the
Islamophobes sprang into action again when the Cordoba Initiative, a
non-profit Muslim group headed by Feisal Abdul Rauf, an exceedingly
moderate Sufi Muslim imam who regularly traveled abroad
representing the United States at the behest of the State Department,
announced that it was going to build a community center in downtown New
York City. With the help of investors, Rauf’s Cordoba Initiative
purchased space two blocks from Ground Zero in Manhattan. The space was
to contain a prayer area as part of a large community center that would
be open to everyone in the neighborhood.
None of these facts mattered to Pamela Geller. Thanks to constant
prodding at her blog, Atlas Shrugged, Geller made Cordoba’s construction
plans a national issue, provoking fervent calls from conservatives to
protect the “hallowed ground” of 9/11 from creeping Sharia. (That the
“mosque” would have been out of sight of Ground Zero and that the
neighborhood was, in fact, filled with
everything from strip clubs to fast-food joints didn't matter.)
Geller’s activism against Cordoba House earned the 52-year-old full-time
blogger the attention she apparently craved, including a long profile in the New York Times and frequent cable news spots, especially, of course, on Fox News.
Mainstream reporters tended to focus on Geller’s bizarre stunts. She posted a video of herself splashing around in a string bikini on a Fort Lauderdale beach, for instance, while ranting about “left-tards” and “Nazi Hezbollah.” Her call for boycotting Campbell’s Soup because the company offered halal
-- approved under Islamic law (as kosher food is under Jewish law) --
versions of its products got her much attention, as did her promotion of a screed claiming that President Barack Obama was the illegitimate lovechild of Malcolm X.
Geller had never earned a living as a journalist. She supported
herself with millions of dollars in a divorce settlement and life
insurance money from her ex-husband. He died in 2008, a year after
being indicted
for an alleged $1.3 million scam he was accused of running out of a car
dealership he co-owned with Geller. Independently wealthy and with time
on her hands, Geller proved able indeed when it came to exploiting her
strange media stardom to incite the already organized political network
of Islamophobes to intensify their crusade.
She also benefited from close alliances with leading Islamophobes
from Europe. Among Geller’s allies was Andrew Gravers, a Danish activist
who formed the group Stop the Islamicization of Europe, and gave it
the unusually blunt motto: “Racism is the lowest form of human
stupidity, but Islamophobia is the height of common sense.” Gravers’
group inspired Geller’s own U.S.-based outfit, Stop the Islamicization of America, which she formed with her friend Robert Spencer, a pseudo-scholar from Great Britain whose bestselling books, including The Truth About Muhammad, Founder of the World’s Most Intolerant Religion, prompted former advisor to President Richard Nixon and Muslim activist Robert Crane to call him, “the principal leader… in the new academic field of Muslim bashing.” (According to the website Politico,
almost $1 million in donations from Chernick has been steered to
Spencer’s Jihad Watch group through David Horowitz’s Freedom Center.)
Perfect sources for Republican political figures in search of the
next hot-button cause, their rhetoric found its way into the talking
points of Newt Gingrich and Sarah Palin as they propelled the crusade
against Cordoba House into the national spotlight. Gingrich soon compared
the community center to a Nazi sign next to the Holocaust Memorial
Museum, while Palin called it “a stab in the heart” of “the Heartland.”
Meanwhile, Tea Party candidates like Republican Ilario Pantano, an Iraq
war veteran who killed two unarmed Iraqi civilians, shooting them 60 times -- he even stopped to reload -- made their opposition to Cordoba House the centerpiece of midterm congressional campaigns conducted hundreds of miles from Ground Zero.
Geller’s campaign against “the mosque at Ground Zero” gained an
unexpected assist and a veneer of legitimacy from established Jewish
leaders like Anti-Defamation League National Director Abraham Foxman. “Survivors of the Holocaust are entitled to feelings that are irrational,” he remarked to the New York Times.
Comparing the bereaved family members of 9-11 victims to Holocaust
survivors, Foxman insisted, “Their anguish entitles them to positions
that others would categorize as irrational or bigoted.”
Soon enough, David Harris, director of the (Chernick-funded) American Jewish Committee, was demanding
that Cordoba’s leaders be compelled to reveal their “true attitudes”
about Palestinian militant groups before construction on the center was
initiated. Rabbi Marvin Hier of the Simon Wiesenthal Center of Los
Angeles, another major Jewish group, insisted it would be “insensitive”
for Cordoba to build near “a cemetery,” though his organization had
recently been granted permission from the municipality of Jerusalem to build
a “museum of tolerance” to be called The Center for Human Dignity
directly on top of the Mamilla Cemetery, a Muslim graveyard that
contained thousands of gravesites dating back 1,200 years.
Inspiration from Israel
It was evident from the involvement of figures like Gravers and
Spencer that the Islamophobic network in the United States represented a
trans-Atlantic expansion of simmering resentment in Europe. There, the
far-right was storming to victories in parliamentary elections across
the continent in part by appealing to the simmering anti-Muslim
sentiments of voters in rural and working-class communities. The extent
of the collaboration between European and American Islamophobes has only
continued to grow with Geller, Spencer, and even Gingrich standing
beside Europe’s most prominent anti-Muslim figure, Dutch parliamentarian
Geert Wilders, at a rally against Cordoba House. In the meantime,
Geller was issuing statements of support for the English Defense League, a band of unreconstructed neo-Nazis
and former members of the whites-only British National Party who
intimidate Muslims in the streets of cities like Birmingham and London.
In addition, the trans-Atlantic Islamophobic crusade has stretched
into Israel, a country that has come to symbolize the network’s fight
against the Muslim menace. As Geller told the New York Times’
Alan Feuer, Israel is “a very good guide because, like I said, in the
war between the civilized man and the savage, you side with the
civilized man.”
EDL members regularly wave
Israeli flags at their rallies, while Wilders claims to have formed his
views about Muslims during the time he worked on an Israeli cooperative
farm in the 1980s. He has, he says, visited the country more than 40
times since to meet with
rightist political allies like Aryeh Eldad, a member of the Israeli
Knesset and leader of the far right Hatikvah faction of the National
Union Party. He has called for forcibly “transferring” the Palestinians
living in Israel and the occupied West Bank to Jordan and Egypt. On
December 5th, for example, Wilders traveled to Israel for a “friendly” meeting with Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, then declared at a press conference that Israel should annex the West Bank and set up a Palestinian state in Jordan.
In the apocalyptic clash of civilizations the global anti-Muslim
network has sought to incite, tiny armed Jewish settlements like Yitzar,
located on the hills above the occupied Palestinian city of Nablus,
represent front-line fortresses. Inside Yitzar’s state-funded yeshiva,
a rabbi named Yitzhak Shapira has instructed students in what rules
must be applied when considering killing non-Jews. Shapira summarized
his opinions in a widely publicized book, Torat HaMelech, or The King’s Torah. Claiming
that non-Jews are “uncompassionate by nature,” Shapira cited rabbinical
texts to declare that gentiles could be killed in order to “curb their
evil inclinations.” “There is justification,” the rabbi proclaimed, “for
killing babies if it is clear that they will grow up to harm us, and in
such a situation they may be harmed deliberately, and not only during
combat with adults.”
In 2006, the rabbi was briefly held by Israeli police for urging his
supporters to murder all Palestinians over the age of 13. Two years
later, according to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, he signed
a rabbinical letter in support of Israeli Jews who had brutally
assaulted two Arab youths on the country's Holocaust Remembrance Day.
That same year, Shapira was arrested as a suspect in helping orchestrate a rocket attack against a Palestinian village near Nablus.
Though he was not charged, his name came up again in connection with
another act of terror when, in January 2010, the Israeli police raided
his settlement seeking vandals who had set fire to a nearby mosque. One
of Shapira's followers, an American immigrant, Jack Teitel,
has confessed to murdering two innocent Palestinians and attempting to
the kill the liberal Israeli historian Ze'ev Sternhell with a mail
bomb.
What does all this have to do with Islamophobic campaigns in the
United States? A great deal, actually. Through New York-based
tax-exempt non-profits like the Central Fund of Israel
and Ateret Cohenim, for instance, the omnipresent Aubrey Chernick has
sent tens of thousands of dollars to support the Yitzar settlement, as
well as to the messianic settlers dedicated to “Judaizing” East
Jerusalem. The settlement movement’s leading online news magazine, Arutz Sheva,
has featured Geller as a columnist. A friend of Geller’s, Beth
Gilinsky, a right-wing activist with a group called the Coalition to
Honor Ground Zero and the founder of the Jewish Action Alliance
(apparently run
out of a Manhattan real estate office), organized a large rally in New
York City in April 2010 to protest the Obama administration’s call for a
settlement freeze.
Among Chernick’s major funding recipients is a supposedly
“apolitical” group called Aish Hatorah that claims to educate Jews about
their heritage. Based in New York and active in the fever swamps of
northern West Bank settlements near Yitzar, Aish Hatorah shares an
address and staff with a shadowy foreign non-profit called the Clarion
Fund. During the 2008 U.S. election campaign, the Clarion Fund distributed 28 million DVDs of a propaganda film called Obsession as newspaper
inserts to residents of swing states around the country. The film
featured a who’s who of anti-Muslim activists, including Walid Shoebat, a
self-proclaimed “former PLO terrorist.” Among Shoebat’s more striking
statements: “A secular dogma like Nazism is less dangerous than is
Islamofascism today.” At a Christian gathering in 2007, this “former
Islamic terrorist” told the crowd that Islam was a “satanic cult” and
that he had been born again as an evangelical Christian. In 2008,
however, the Jerusalem Post, a right-leaning newspaper, exposed him as a fraud, whose claims to terrorism were fictional.
Islamophobic groups registered only a minimal impact during the 2008
election campaign. Two years later, however, after the Republicans
regained control of the House of Representatives in midterm elections,
the network appears to have reached critical mass. Of course, the
deciding factor in the election was the economy, and in two years,
Americans will likely vote their pocketbooks again. But that the
construction of a single Islamic community center or the imaginary
threat of Sharia law were issues at all reflected the influence of a
small band of locally oriented activists, and suggested that when a
certain presidential candidate who has already been demonized as a
crypto-Muslim runs for reelection, the country’s most vocal Islamophobes
could once again find a national platform amid the frenzied atmosphere
of the campaign.