There are some things to be thankful for.
The woman who puzzled over Hispanics
in her audience of high-school students and suggested they looked
“Asian” was defeated in her run for the Senate in Nevada. The guy who called Islam a cult was knocked out of the Kentucky gubernatorial race. The bizarre candidate who threatened to “take out” a reporter was brushed aside in his bid for the governorship of New York.
Despite the electoral failures of Sharron Angle, Ron Ramsey, Carl
Paladino, and a host of others inhabiting what used to be America’s
political peripheries, the next Congress will have a decidedly fringy
tone. No wonder the wilder types already there are looking forward to
the January 2011 legislative session with such relish: so many
investigations crying out to be launched; so many dictators and thugs
still hanging on in Cuba, Iran, North Korea, and Venezuela; terrorism in
the streets of Portland; foreign terrorists flocking to America; secret
government documents splayed across the front pages of our newspapers.
They wonder if the U.S. hasn’t simply become a pitiful, helpless
giant. But the rest of us ought to wonder just what kind of politics is
going to grow in the strange, rich Petri dish of the new Congress.
Tomgram: Stephan Salisbury, Politics in the Terrordome, 2011
[Note to TomDispatch Readers: Yesterday,
TD sent out its first appeal letter ever to subscribers asking for
donations and the response was utterly overwhelming. I only wish I
could individually thank those of you from all over the country who so
generously contributed to TD this holiday season, but there's no hope.
Just know, at least, that I was staggered by the response and by the
fact that so many of you cared enough about TomDispatch to offer us a
hand, and please accept my collective thank you. I hate to sound Clint Eastwood-ish, but you just made my day, week, and year. (By
the way, to see how TD is using contributions, check out Timothy
MacBain's latest TomCast audio interview in which Stephan Salisbury
discusses the terror dreams of a nostalgic empire by clicking here or, to download it to your iPod, here.)]
Here in the United States of Fear, official voices are again rising in a remarkable crescendo of hysteria.
My advice: don’t even try getting on the subway car filled with
American politicians and their acolytes accusing WikiLeaks and Julian
Assange of terrorist activity. It’s already standing room only. Among
those who have recently spoken out: Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell ("I think the man is a high-tech terrorist"); former speaker of the House and possible 2012 presidential candidate Newt Gingrich (“information terrorism… [Assange] should be treated as an enemy combatant”); Republican Congressman Peter King,
the next head of the House Homeland Security Committee (“…asked the
Obama administration today to ‘determine whether WikiLeaks could be
designated a foreign terrorist organization’”); former Republican
Senator and possible 2012 presidential candidate Rick Santorum (“We
haven't gone after this guy, we haven't tried to prosecute him, we
haven't gotten our allies to go out and lock this guy up and bring him
up on terrorism charges, because what he's doing is terrorism, in my
opinion.”); Fox News host, Iran-Contra figure, and bestselling author Oliver North (“This
is an act of terrorism. It’s information terrorism instead of a bomb
going off in Times Square, but it’s still terrorism.”)
And that’s just to skim the (s)cream off the top of the terror
accusations boiling out of this Congress and Republican presidential
ranks. It’s quite a brew, especially when you add in senators like Joe Lieberman and Diane Feinstein calling for Assange to be prosecuted under the Espionage Act of 1917 and figures like Sarah Palin calling
for him to simply be taken out as a terrorist, pure and simple (“Why
was he not pursued with the same urgency we pursue al Qaeda and Taliban
leaders?”)
Here, however, is a small catch. If this is “terrorism,” a question
arises (or at least should arise): Who has been terrorized? Who exactly
has been terrified by the recent WikiLeaks releases of, so far, more than 1,000 State
Department documents, some going back decades? The answer, I think, is
clear enough -- not the American people, but the Washington elite who
have, in these last years, put in place a version of secrecy so
wide-ranging that most of the government’s significant operations
abroad (and many at home) have been cast into the shadows beyond the
sightlines of the voters in this supposed democracy.
Within the penumbra of spreading secrecy, that elite, sometimes aided and abetted by the mainstream media, has acted with remarkable impunity in invading other countries, kidnapping“suspects” off the streets of global cities, secretly imprisoning under catch-all categories, and torturing, abusing, or even murdering those believed to be terrorists, or at least opposed to Washington’s desires. At the same time, they have been moving to lock down this
country in ever more severe (and expensive) ways. So for them, it may
indeed feel like a genuinely terrifying experience to see any aspect of
that secrecy removed, to discover yet again that what they thought they
controlled was not really theirs to control.
And don’t think it’s just a matter of Julian Assange or WikiLeaks in the gun sights either. The Espionage Act of 1917,
under which Assange may be charged, was a classic suppressive response
to antiwar opposition during World War I. It remains dangerous.
Prosecuting Assange under it or any other terror statute would indeed
prove an ominous development. It would have -- and I’m not one for
throwing around totalitarian analogies -- a distinctly Soviet feel to
it.
Julian Assange may be the one they are coming after right now, but
he’s unlikely to prove the end of it. After all, if you’re the next one
to give them a fright, you, too, could be declared a terrorist or an
enemy combatant (even if you do work for the New York Times). TomDispatch regular Stephan Salisbury, author of Mohamed’s Ghosts: An American Story of Love and Fear in the Homeland,
has for some years been reporting on the way “terror” has entered the
American bloodstream. Let him tell you what’s in store for 2011. Tom
Terrorama: The Next Congress
Will See Terror in Everything
by Stephan Salisbury
Consider just one area that will be a major focus of Congressional
interest: immigration, an issue that will gain potency as it melds into
the rhetoric of terror.
Foreigners and terrorists: Really, what’s the difference? That the
nation has grown and prospered precisely because of adaptive immigration
is beside the point, an obvious reflection of someone caught in the old
mindset of the September 10th world. Interestingly, though, only about 8%
of those who cast ballots in the 2010 election cited immigration
concerns as their primary motivator. Of those who did, however, nearly
70% were Republicans.
With their new House majority, the Republicans plan to pay some major
attention to that 8% of the motivated electorate. Immigration matters
will play out largely in two key House committees, Homeland Security and
Judiciary, and critical members of each committee told me they intend
to investigate past actions of the Obama administration “fully and
completely,” block any kind of comprehensive immigration reform, expose
supposed lax enforcement of immigration laws and inadequate resources
devoted to -- as one Judiciary member put it -- “boots on the ground.”
Terrorism will play a key role in hearings on virtually all these
topics, most dramatically, no doubt, in focusing attention on what
Republicans view as a shadowy Latin network of terrorist infiltrators
seeking to exploit the U.S. failure to protect its own southern border.
Most
people are probably blissfully unaware of a burgeoning conspiracy in
which Cuba and Venezuela are reputedly assisting African and Middle
Eastern extremists as they slip into the United States and fan out
across the country. That lack of awareness will not last long, however,
if the new Republican majority in the House has anything to do with
it. Key representatives are already promising to pound the drums ever
more loudly and so expose this supposed burst of clandestine activity
over the next couple of years. More on that in a moment.
Peter King, vocal New York Republican opponent of the Lower Manhattan Islamic cultural center, aka the mosque at Ground Zero,
will soon become chair of the Homeland Security Committee. He has made
it all too clear that he intends to “investigate” with abandon and
continue to birddog that dreaded Manhattan “mosque.” King’s focus will
serve to keep the specter of imminent terrorism directly before the
country, infusing all manner of issues with claims and insinuations
about bombs, plots, and massive threats.
He has made it no secret
that he wants hearings on the administration’s failure to put more
money into protecting New York City from the threat of nuclear
terrorism, on what kinds of screw-ups led to the Fort Hood shootings
last year, and on what King views as the Obama administration’s
unconscionable plans to close Guantanamo and the Justice Department’s
plans to hold 9/11-related trials in New York civilian courts. (That
neither of these “plans” is exactly at the top of the Obama agenda
anymore won’t matter a bit.)
King is a firm believer in Fortress America, too: in the creation,
above all, of an impregnable fence along the border with Mexico. For
want of such a fence, the nation’s “homeland security” will, he insists,
be eternally “at risk,” as he wrote
Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano in a joint letter with
Darrell Issa, the California congressman who will conduct his own set of
investigations as new chair of the House Oversight and Government
Reform Committee.
King sees Islam as virtually synonymous with violent extremism and, during
last summer’s raging controversy over whether Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf’s
proposed Manhattan Islamic center should be built, he called for
an investigation of its funders. (In fact, there are, as yet, no
funders.) Now, developers of the Islamic center -- called Park51 -- are
seeking public economic development funds aimed at blighted downtown
Manhattan. King doesn’t like that either. “It's an affront to the memory
of all those who were murdered on 9/11,” he insists.
“This shows a gross insensitivity to the most fundamental feelings of
New Yorkers and to those murdered on 9/11 it is a slap in the face that
is a terrible insult.”
That Islam can be linked to terrorism is a no-brainer for the
congressman and many other conservatives and Republicans. This same
thinking has now infected the controversy over WikiLeaks. Why not, King wonders,
label the largely volunteer WikiLeaks group a terrorist organization,
thus facilitating seizure of its assets and arrests of anyone remotely
associated with it, including presumably readers? Tom Flanagan, a former
aide to Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper, has gone one step
further, offering an idea that Republican leaders and conservative
commentators appear to find appealing. Flanagan has proposed assassination as the fate for WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange.
Sarah Palin seems to agree. In a note on Facebook, she likened WikiLeaks to al-Qaeda. Of Assange, she wrote,
“He is an anti-American operative with blood on his hands. His past
posting of classified documents revealed the identity of more than 100
Afghan sources to the Taliban. Why was he not pursued with the same
urgency we pursue al-Qaeda and Taliban leaders?” (There is, in fact, no
evidence whatsoever that Assange has “blood on his hands.”)
This violent thinking has spread like the Ebola virus through conservative circles. William Kristol, editor of the Weekly Standard, typically wants to know why Assange and his colleagues have not been “neutralized”
by the U.S. government. Mike Huckabee, a former governor as well as
past and possibly future Republican presidential candidate, suggests
those associated with the leaks get the death penalty
-- but only after fair trials. “Any lives they endangered, they’re
personally responsible for and the blood is on their hands,” he said.
(One wonders why there is such a focus on bloody hands in the Republican
Party.)
All Issues Are Terrorism Issues
What should be increasingly clear is that Republican members of the
incoming Congress are looking for terrorism in ever more startling
places. In fact, it seems that, for them, all domestic issues are
potentially terrorist issues, perhaps none more so than immigration.
Even in the current lame-duck session of Congress, their unsettling
rhetoric has enswathed immigration in such claims. Take the debate over
the Dream Act, which would provide an avenue to citizenship via military
service or college attendance for foreign-born young people brought to
this country at a young age by their undocumented immigrant parents.
Steve King, the Iowa Republican who will chair the Judiciary Committee’s immigration subcommittee, has been deriding
the DREAM Act as a “special amnesty program [and] affirmative action
program for illegals.” Should it become law, he warns of a day when
student “illegals” would find themselves “sitting in the classroom next
to… a widow or a widower or a son or a daughter of someone who has lost
their life in Iraq or Afghanistan defending our liberty and our
freedom.” Senator Jeff Sessions, Alabama Republican, goes King one
better, suggesting that the DREAM Act could well pave the way for another 9/11 plotted by those "from the dangerous regions of the Middle East."
Former San Diego mayor Roger Hedgecock, now a popular, nationally syndicated conservative talk radio show host, claims
the DREAM Act is par for the course “in an era when the Obama regime
considers terrorists citizens and citizens suspects -- when Jesus' birth
is considered myth, but Obama's birth is gospel.”
Steve King believes up to four million illegal immigrants a year are
piling into the United States. These, he told me, add up to a “huge
human haystack” composed of “vicious, violent criminals” and an unknown
number of bona fide terrorists.
“As a sovereign nation, we must control our borders,” King argues.
“We must ensure that terrorists do not infiltrate the United States.
We must tighten and strengthen border control efforts so that illegal
aliens and drug smugglers do not enter our country.” A building
contractor back home in Iowa, King has even designed
a border fence to show how easily the country could staunch the tide of
“illegals” from Mexico and, of course, the terrorists among them. “We
do this with livestock all the time,” he explained, as he described the
fence to me.
Terrorists at the Door
The idea that terrorists are probing the southern border in the guise
of immigrants has recently become part and parcel of Republican
border-policy mythology. Michael McCaul, Texas Republican and current
ranking minority member of the homeland security intelligence
subcommittee, told me that “the border is going to be a focus” of
extensive congressional investigation. “Who is coming into the
country?” he wondered rhetorically in our conversation and added, “There
is a massive tide of immigration without control.”
Among those furtively crossing the southern border, McCaul believes,
are an unknown number of terrorist operatives. This past year, he notes,
authorities arrested
Anthony Tracy, an American Muslim, and charged him with assisting
nearly 300 undocumented Somalis in entering the United States. Tracy
told U.S. authorities that a Cuban official in Africa helped provide
papers for the immigrants, enabling them to reach Mexico. From there,
the Somalis crossed over the southern U.S. border and have now vanished.
Conservative pundits and some media outlets have made much of this, suggesting members of al-Shabaab, the Somali terrorist group, are now roaming the American countryside. But there is no tangible evidence that any member of al-Shabaab entered the country with Tracy’s help, according to an immigration spokeswoman.
McCaul said the Somali case and how the Obama administration let it
happen would be a key topic in hearings in which he and other
Republicans will demand answers. The real question is: Did it happen at
all? Immigration authorities have not only been unable to find members
of al-Shabaab who entered the country from the southern border -- with
or without Tracy’s help -- they haven’t been able to locate any of them
the 300 supposed Somalis at all.
The federal judge trying the case, U.S. District Judge Leonie
Brinkema of the Eastern District of Virginia, dubbed it “shaky” at
Tracy’s trial. Absent any smuggled Somalis, she pointed out, the government was unable to prove anything. Given the presence of informers at the center
of so many terrorism prosecutions since 9/11, it should come as no
surprise that Tracy has a long and mysterious past as an informer for
the Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency and possibly the Drug
Enforcement Administration as well. What that means in the Somali case
remains unclear. It is, however, clear that Tracy served only a
four-month federal sentence in the incident and is now chatting up
authorities.
Keep in mind that murkiness is a useful political tool. It will
certainly be the stuff of upcoming congressional hearings, which will
echo the endless rounds of anti-communist hearings that dominated
Washington in the heyday of the House Un-American Activities Committee
and similar panels in the 1950s. What can’t be seen must be feared, and
in the confused darkness, passionate certainty grows.
In that murky vein, Republicans also hope to expose
the links they see among Iran, Hezbollah, and Latin American lands,
especially Venezuela. Right-wing commentators and military analysts
assert Hezbollah is increasingly active in the Colombian drug trade, is working with Mexican drug cartels, and has ties to Venezuelan authorities.
Rep. Sue Myrick of North Carolina, a member of the House Permanent
Select Committee on Intelligence, has been increasingly vocal in
denouncing Hezbollah’s reputed march toward the Rio Grande. Earlier this year,
she shared her concerns with the Department of Homeland Security.
Within weeks, Mexico reported that it had broken up Hezbollah
operations, although what “Hezbollah” was actually doing, if anything,
is difficult to say.
Nevertheless, the talk of Hezbollah on the border has grown crazily
since the supposed arrest of Jameel Nasr, described in second- and
third-hand news accounts as a “Hezbollah operative” in the border city
of Tijuana, Mexico. This arrest, initially reported in July by a Kuwaiti
newspaper, has not only not been confirmed, but Homeland Security
officials insist that they have no “credible information” of any terror groups on the southern border.
That apparently is not good enough for the American right-wing. They
prefer to follow one of the primary laws of the post-9/11 world:
whatever can be imagined is in fact true. What “could be” invariably
trumps what “is.” Is it possible that supporters of Hezbollah are
plotting terror attacks from bases in Tijuana? Of course it is,
therefore it must be so.
Could Somalis be lining up to travel to Cuba, Mexico, and Texas? It
is possible, as so much is possible, therefore it must be so. A
corollary to this law is that if a falsehood or rumor is repeated often
enough, it becomes so. Hence, Jameel Nasr, Hezbollah operative, who may
not even exist, actually was arrested as he plotted terrorist operations
for Hezbollah just south of Texas.
A more realistic appraisal of Muslim activity in Latin America comes
from an overlooked WikiLeaks document, a classified cable from the U.S.
Consulate in Sao Paulo, Brazil, which describes “the unique
possibilities for Muslim engagement” with the U.S. in that country.
Writing at the end of 2009, the consul reported that there were some
Hezbollah supporters among recent Lebanese immigrants to Brazil. (That
in itself is hardly surprising since Hezbollah is a popular, deeply
rooted political movement that controls significant parts of southern
Lebanon.)
The consul also informed Washington that such immigrants were
surprisingly few in number and were completely overshadowed by the
country’s mainstream Muslim leaders, who have exhibited a keen interest
in and curiosity about the United States, and are opposed to extremist
ideologies of any kind. These leaders, he wrote, are eager “to engage,
acutely aware of the dangers of radicalism, and had solid achievements
in integrating Muslim and Brazilian identities, making them an excellent
example of how a unique MMC [Muslim minority community] has, by and
large, carved out a positive space within a diverse Latin American
country.” In other words, in the real world, the vast majority of
Muslims in Latin America are eager for the same kind of stability and
engagement as Muslims in the U.S.
But this view -- and the importance it places on dialogue -- does not
fit the prevailing nativist mythology in this country or Republican and
right-wing efforts to meld terrorism, Islam, and immigration into a
single muddy brew (a characteristic of much public debate in the U.S.
since 9/11). It appears we have entered a post-analytic world where the
point of public discourse is not to make distinctions but to obliterate
them.
A tiny group of radical extremists, mostly from Saudi Arabia, have
become indistinguishable from a billion and a half Muslims all over the
world. A bizarre and convoluted ideology, worked out to justify specific
attacks on the U.S. and Egypt, has come to stand in for Islamic sacred
texts and holy law. The roughly 50 al-Qaeda fighters remaining in Afghanistan have become a synecdoche for the whole of the Muslim Middle East and South Asia.
Political dissenters in the United States have been absorbed
into the terrorism trope as well. Information -- which is, after all,
what has been disseminated by WikiLeaks -- is increasingly viewed as a
potential terrorist weapon. Absorbing that information (that is,
reading the documents) could even amount to material support for
terrorism. In such a world, the counter-terrorism efforts of the U.S.
government are trained on the entire civilian population, whether
through electronic monitoring or fiddling with everyone’s junk.
Former attorney general John Ashcroft noted
the importance of blurring all distinctions years ago. “In this new
war, our enemy's platoons infiltrate our borders, quietly blending in
with visiting tourists, students, and workers,” he proclaimed in June
2002. “They move unnoticed through our cities, neighborhoods, and public
spaces. They wear no uniforms. Their camouflage is not forest green,
but rather it is the color of common street clothing. Their tactics rely
on evading recognition at the border and escaping detection within the
United States. Their terrorist mission is to defeat America, destroy our
values and kill innocent people.”
It’s all right there, hidden in plain sight. Terrorists are Muslims,
Muslims are immigrants, immigrants are residents. Around it goes.
Increasingly, immigration enforcement is becoming an anti-terrorism
effort. Anyone and everyone is a suspect. That is the reality played out
at every airport; it is the narrative touched by every monitored email
and tapped telephone call.