The Tyranny of Soy Agribusiness in Paraguay
by
TRNN
Monsanto, Archer Daniels Midland, Cargill and a series of Brazilians
agribusinesses are flexing their muscles in Paraguay, currently
occupying 25% of all arable land for the production of genetically
modified soy for export.
The losers are Paraguay's peasant farmers, and
they've mobilized to defend themselves, including getting a president
into power who promised to help them. But as Ben Dangl reports, for a
serious of reasons, President Lugo has converted into an enemy of the
same farmers that got him into power in the first place.
President Lugo hasn't delivered on promises to the
farmers
who brought him to power, while transgenic soy farms expand
Produced by Jesse Freeston
Bio
Benjamin Dangl
has worked as a journalist throughout Latin America for the Guardian
Unlimited, The Nation, and the NACLA Report on the Americas. He is the
author of The Price of Fire: Resource Wars and Social Movements in Bolivia (AK Press) and Dancing with Dynamite: Social Movements and States in Latin America
(AK Press). He is the editor of TowardFreedom.com, a progressive
perspective on world events and co-founder of UpsideDownWorld.org, a
website on activism and politics in Latin America. Dangl teaches South
American history and globalization at Burlington College. He can be
reached by email: Bendangl(at)gmail(dot)com
JESSE FREESTON,
PRODUCER, TRNN: In part one of our interview with author and journalist
Ben Dangl, we discussed the conflicts between left-wing governments in
South America and the social movements that helped bring them to power
in the first place. One of these governments is that of the Patriotic
Alliance for Change in Paraguay, an alliance of eight political parties
whose leader, Fernando Lugo, won the presidency in 2008.
BENJAMIN
DANGL, JOURNALIST AND AUTHOR: He's a former bishop. And he was elected
on a platform to confront the country's soy-agro industry, military
human rights violators from the dictatorship, and the right-wing
infrastructure and institutions of the Colorado Party. The Colorado
Party had been in power for 60 years. It was part of the Alfredo
Stroessner dictatorship, which was one of many dictatorships around the
region during the Cold War, and collaborated with each other to torture,
kidnap, and murder political dissidents and maintain their power over
the region. So when Lugo was elected, it was largely a victory against
this nightmare of a dictatorship and the shadow the Colorado Party had
over the country.FREESTON: In a country of farmers, the
Colorado Party had maintained one of the most unequal land distributions
in the world. The BBC reported that when Lugo came to power in 2008, 2
percent of landowners controlled 70 percent of the land.PRES. FERNANDO LUGO (SUBTITLED TRANSLATION): In my first month as president, I will get comprehensive land reform.DANGL:
Many people were hopeful that he would transform the country and
confront these institutions, but he hasn't shown the political will to
do this. In Paraguay, one of the most powerful aspects of the economy is
the soy industry. Soy in Paraguay largely goes to feed farm animals in
Europe. And this industry is rapidly expanding. It's largely powered by
Archer Daniels Midland, Cargill, Monsanto, and various Brazilian
companies. Small farming communities, small farmers are having to
migrate to the cities in a massive exodus from the countryside. They're
doing this because of the repression they face from thugs hired by the
soy owners, the terrible pesticides that are used in soy production that
poison water sources, that kill livestock, that kill anything else but
soy, and that create cancer, blindness, birth deformities among
campesino farmers that are living side by side next to these seas of
soy.NICOLASA TRINIDAD, PEASANT FARMER (SUBTITLED
TRANSLATION): We've lost our health to the pesticides, and there are no
hospitals, nothing.ILSA CASTRO, PEASANT FARMER (SUBTITLED
TRANSLATION): Women are the ones who suffer the most from extreme
poverty. Women are without access to health care or education, and every
day the poverty and discrimination is getting worse.FREESTON:
As it stands, more than 25 percent of Paraguay's arable land is taken
up by genetically modified soy farms. Peasant farmers, or campesinos,
have organized to oppose this lucrative industry.DANGL:
Dozens of campesinos has been murdered outright by paramilitaries hired
by soy companies, in collusion with the police and the military of
Paraguay. And campesinos have fought against this heroically, with
direct action, blockading roads, occupying land, cutting down soy crops,
defending their communities with machetes, and in solidarity with other
communities. In spite of this, the expansion continues, the pollution
continues. And Lugo has not only allowed for this expansion to continue,
but he's repressed campesino sectors, like, for example, last spring
calling a state of emergency in the Paraguayan countryside in the most
socially powerful departments, where there's the most organizing
happening. And in this state of emergency, which hasn't been called
since the Stroessner dictatorship, this outlawed any kind of political
meeting of any kind and prevented any of the kind of building blocks
that make up the campesino movement from working.FREESTON:
This kind of repression isn't new in Paraguay. It was here in 1992
where lawyer and former political prisoner Martín Almada uncovered the
famous terror files of the Stroessner dictatorship. The files revealed
the extent of Operation Condor, the CIA's program of installing,
supporting, and organizing a whole series of South American military
dictatorships. The files documented the level of coordination amongst
the dictatorships themselves that were responsible for the overthrow of
numerous elected presidents, and thousands of murders, tortures, and
kidnappings. The US government position is that it was necessary in
order to stop the spread of communism. Others point to the benefits that
accrued to US corporations in the form of the land, low taxes, and low
wages that were guaranteed by military rule. At the same time, the US
military was training many of the offending military leaders and a total
of 60,000 Latin American soldiers at the School of the Americas. That
program remains operational today in Fort Benning, Georgia. But the US
isn't the only foreign power that the region has to contend with.DANGL:
The analysis of campesinos largely looks to Brazil as the imperialism
in their neighborhoods and their communities, the Brazilian soy farmers
coming into the country and working against the self-determination of
Paraguayan farmers. So when speaking about imperialism, they're usually
talking about Brazil, not just—you know, instead of Washington. And this
is a reality in Uruguay, in Bolivia, in Argentina, where the most
powerful government in the region, the most powerful companies in the
regions often come from Brazil.FREESTON: Despite the
relatively minor nature of his reform projects, President Lugo has been
targeted for removal by the traditional elite and the Congress, which
the opposition controls. He is currently facing demands for his
resignation after he fired the commanders of the Army, Navy, and Air
Force amidst fears of an impending military coup.DANGL:
Since Lugo's time in office, there have been many different rumors of
coup attempts against him. None of them have played out. Lugo is also,
unfortunately, sick with cancer right now. So there have been these
various serious challenges that have faced his administration, both from
the right, his health situation, and from the protests from the
campesino sector. And I think that all these factors will contribute to
the fact that he probably won't be reelected and may not even finish his
term.FREESTON: With so many farmers feeling abandoned, Dangl says that many have organized alternatives to the government.DANGL:
Families who are displaced by the pesticides, by the paramilitary
violence, by the poverty of trying to work a small farm, arrive in
cities penniless without any kinds of allies, often, and end up
recycling cardboard from the streets to survive, and enter an oftentimes
inescapable cycle of poverty and police criminalization, which is hard
to escape. The Bañados, a poor neighborhood between the capital city and
the river in Asunción, Paraguay, this has been expanding rapidly as
more and more families leave the countryside. And one hopeful example in
Paraguay of resistance to this poverty and exclusion is a certain
neighborhood of the Bañados that has organized against the
criminalization of their community, has worked to create their own
health clinic, has worked as a kind of popular mayor's office to meet
the needs of the community through years of organizing, and has—in spite
of the negligence and repression of the Lugo administration, has worked
to support small farmers there in the settlement, in the community, has
worked to build trees to prevent flooding, because it's right next to
the river, and has essentially worked, in the absence of the state and
in the absence of a benevolent president, have worked to create a better
society within this nightmarish scenario in Paraguay, and they've been
successful. And there are many other examples around Paraguay and Latin
America of people, when faced with these kind of challenges, working
autonomously among neighbors, building close relationships over
generations, and because of that, successfully building a better
tomorrow and more opportunities for their kids and various generations.
End of Transcript
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