On September 7, 2002, President Bush asserted: "I would
remind you that when the inspectors first went into Iraq and were
denied -- finally denied access, a report came out of the Atomic -- the
IAEA that they were six months away from developing a [nuclear] weapon.
I don't know what more evidence we need."
Yet, not only was there no such report, but the report actually written
by the IAEA in 1998 reached precisely the opposite conclusion: "Based
on all credible information available to date…the IAEA has found no
indication of Iraq having achieved its programme goal of producing
nuclear weapons or of Iraq having retained a physical capability for
the production of weapon-useable nuclear material or having
clandestinely obtained such material." [
MSNBC.com, 7 Sept. 2002]
And although a White House official subsequently admitted that the IAEA
report did not say what Bush claimed, the spokesman's own dissembling
shed further light on the dishonesty driving Bush's push for war: "What
happened was, we formed our own conclusions based on the report."[Ibid]
Why this entire episode failed to send red flags of suspicion flying
across our entire news media remains an open question.
Yet, worse was to come. On October 2, 2002, Bush lied when he told
Congressional leaders: "None of us here today desire to see a military
conflict." How do we know he lied? Because in March 2003, in the
moments "before he gave his national address announcing that the war
had just begun, a camera caught Bush pumping his fist as though instead
of initiating a war he had kicked a winning field goal or hit a home
run. 'Feels good,' he said." [Paul Waldman,
Fraud, 2004, p.8] Once a punk, always a punk?
In December 2003, months after the Bush administration's reckless
assertions about Iraq's weapons of mass destruction proved to be false,
ABC's Diane Sawyer pressed Bush about justifying a war to the American
public by stating "as a hard fact, that there were weapons of mass
destruction as opposed to the possibility that he [Saddam] could move
to acquire those weapons." Put on the spot, Bush resorted to his punk
college ways by responding: "So what's the difference?"
Two months later, Bush weaseled again. When put on the spot by Tim Russert, of
Meet the Press,
Bush justified his illegal, immoral invasion of Iraq by asserting:
"Saddam Hussein was dangerous, and so I'm not going [sic] leave him in
power and trust a madman…He had the ability to make weapons, at the
very minimum." Such a snotty and infantile excuse for sending thousands
to their deaths should have persuaded even the most brain-dead of Bush
supporters that he had wasted his vote on a reckless punk.
In late 2005, Bush told another lie, when attempting to justify his
unconstitutional order permitting the National Security Agency to
eavesdrop on U.S. citizens without obtaining the required
court-approved warrants. Bush defended his directive as a "vital tool"
in the war against terrorism, evidently forgetting that, in April 2004,
he assured an audience in Buffalo, New York: "When we're talking about
chasing down terrorists, we're talking about getting a court order
before we do so."
Bush lied again on December 14, 2005, when discussing what intelligence
was available to Congress, when it voted to support his decision to
invade Iraq. Bush lied when he asserted: "Some of the most
irresponsible comments - about manipulated intelligence - have come
from politicians who saw the same intelligence I saw and then voted to
authorize the use of force against Saddam Hussein."
In fact, the Congressional Research Service (CSR) released a report the
very next day that exposed his lie: "The President and a small number
of presidentially designated cabinet-level officials, including the
vice president …have access to a far greater overall volume of
intelligence and to more sensitive information, including intelligence
sources and methods." In all, the report identified "nine key U.S.
intelligence 'products' not generally shared with Congress."
And Bush lied again, on the eve of the November 2006 mid-term
elections, when he said that he wanted Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld to
stay on until the end of his presidency. In fact, Bush already had
commenced work on replacing Rumsfeld and knew he was lying when he said
Rumsfeld would stay on. Bush even admitted to this deliberate
deception.
Two days ago, Bush lied again. In a December 19, 2006, interview with the
Washington Post , America's Liar-in-Chief was once again put on the spot. According to the
Post,
when he was asked to reconcile his "absolutely, we're winning" in Iraq
assertion of October 25, 2006, with his new assertion, "We're not
winning, we're not losing," Bush "recast" his former assertion "as a
prediction rather than an assessment."
Bush's Harvard classmates and Professor Tsurumi would have understood all too well: Once a punk, always a punk.
Indeed, if "once a punk, always a punk," then columnist Joseph L.
Galloway is on to something when he asks: "Can nothing save this man
from himself?" [See Galloway's splendid article, "Desperation in the
White House,"
Miami Herald
at http://www.miami.com/mld/miamiherald/news/opinion/16250266.htm ]
And, indeed, if nothing can save Bush from himself, the citizens of the
United States have an obligation to remove him from office - impeach,
convict, remove - before he does more damage to American and the world.
But only after first removing the thug, who has so perniciously enabled the punk.
Walter C. Uhler
is an independent scholar and freelance writer whose work has been
published in numerous publications, including The Nation, the Bulletin
of the Atomic Scientists, the Journal of Military History, the Moscow
Times and the San Francisco Chronicle. He also is President of the
Russian-American International Studies Association (RAISA).