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FBI Ignored Bush-Hussein Ties
by Robert Parry
The FBI has released reports on 20 interviews and five conversations conducted with Iraq’s deposed dictator Saddam Hussein before he was put to death, but none of the disclosed Q and A deals with the role of the Reagan administration in delivering key components for Iraq’s chemical and biological weapons in the 1980s.
by Robert Parry
The FBI has released reports on 20 interviews and five conversations conducted with Iraq’s deposed dictator Saddam Hussein before he was put to death, but none of the disclosed Q and A deals with the role of the Reagan administration in delivering key components for Iraq’s chemical and biological weapons in the 1980s.Either those questions weren’t asked or they are still being hidden by the U.S. government. The contents of one interview on March 21, 2004, were almost entirely redacted for supposed national security reasons.
As the National Security Archive, a private non-profit group that obtained the documents under the Freedom of Information Act, wrote:
“Not included in these FBI reports are issues of particular interest to students of Iraq’s complicated relationship with the U.S. – the reported role of the CIA in facilitating the Ba’ath party’s rise to power, the uneasy alliance forged between Iraq and the U.S. during the Iran-Iraq war, and the precise nature of U.S. views regarding Iraq’s chemical weapons policy during that conflict, given its contemporaneous knowledge of their repeated use against Iranians and the Kurds.”
As the National Security Archive, a private non-profit group that obtained the documents under the Freedom of Information Act, wrote:
“Not included in these FBI reports are issues of particular interest to students of Iraq’s complicated relationship with the U.S. – the reported role of the CIA in facilitating the Ba’ath party’s rise to power, the uneasy alliance forged between Iraq and the U.S. during the Iran-Iraq war, and the precise nature of U.S. views regarding Iraq’s chemical weapons policy during that conflict, given its contemporaneous knowledge of their repeated use against Iranians and the Kurds.”
[For complete article reference links, please see source at Consortium News here.]
The gaps in the FBI reports also underscore the historical travesty that resulted from the Bush administration’s handling of Saddam Hussein after his capture on Dec. 13, 2003, near Tikrit, eight months after the U.S.-led invasion toppled his government.
Instead of being turned over to the international criminal court at The Hague, where he could have been thoroughly interrogated, Hussein was kept under tight U.S. control until he was handed over to his Iraqi enemies on Dec. 30, 2006, for a chaotic hanging.
While President George W. Bush and many of his supporters were thrilled with the execution – what the New York Times called Bush’s “triumphal bookend” to the Iraq invasion – the hanging was not just rough justice meted out to a harsh dictator. It also snuffed out a dangerous witness who could have implicated senior Republicans, including Bush’s father.
Important chapters of history died with Hussein on the gallows. Hussein was a unique witness with the broadest knowledge about who arranged and sold the precursor components for his unconventional weapons that were used to kill Iranian troops and Iraqi civilians.
In death, Hussein couldn’t disclose what George W. Bush’s first Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said during that famous hand-shake meeting in 1983, nor whether he got an alleged message from Vice President George H.W. Bush in the mid-1980s about how best to deploy Iraq’s air force against Iran, nor if then-deputy CIA director Robert Gates was running interference for Iraq’s military supply line in the 1980s.
It was the elder George Bush, as Vice President, who allegedly oversaw the covert U.S. operation to assist Hussein’s war machine during the eight-year Iran-Iraq War; Rumsfeld, as special U.S. envoy to the Middle East, held private chats with the Iraqi dictator about his war needs; and Gates, as a senior CIA official, reportedly rebuffed Israeli protests about U.S. tolerance for third-country military shipments to Iraq, including precursor chemicals.
All those important Republicans and more could breathe a little easier after the hangman’s noose choked the life out of Hussein. (Gates remains in government as President Barack Obama's defense secretary.)
[For more details on what Hussein might have revealed, see Robert Parry’s Secrecy & Privilege or Consortiumnews.com’s “Missing U.S.-Iraq History” or “The Secret World of Robert Gates.”]
Captured Documents
George W. Bush’s administration successfully concealed other evidence that might have shed light on what the senior Bush, Rumsfeld and Gates did during the 1980s. The U.S. government is still sitting on key Iraqi documents seized during the invasion in 2003.
The Bush administration exploited those documents in an effort to discredit the United Nations over its handling of the Iraq “oil for food” program in the 1990s. That right-wing cause célèbre held that Hussein might have diverted money from the U.N. program to manufacture more WMD (although it turned out that he didn’t produce any WMD at that point).
However, the Bush administration withheld records from the 1980s when Hussein was producing chemical and biological weapons.
In an example of how the Bush team never ceased playing games with information, the CIA released the so-called Duelfer report in 2004, acknowledging that the administration’s pre-invasion assertions about Hussein hiding WMD stockpiles were “almost all wrong.”
But a curious feature of the Duelfer report was that it included a long section about Hussein’s abuse of the U.N.’s “oil for food” program in the 1990s, while acknowledging that those diverted funds had not gone to build illegal weapons.
Regarding the 1980s, however, the report did the opposite, acknowledging the existence of a robust WMD program but offering no documentary perspective on how that operation was organized and who was involved in delivering the crucial equipment and precursor chemicals.
In other words, the CIA’s WMD report didn’t identify the Americans or other non-Iraqis who made Iraq’s WMD arsenal possible in the 1980s.
One source who has seen the documents told me that it contains information about the role of Chilean arms dealer Carlos Cardoen, who has been identified as a key link between the CIA and Iraq for the procurement of dangerous weapons in the 1980s. But that evidence remains locked away from the public.
It also seems that the FBI either didn’t bother to ask Hussein about the U.S. officials who may have had a hand in helping him build his deadly arsenal or Hussein’s answers have been redacted out of “national security” concerns.
That singular figure who perhaps could have put the era in its fullest perspective – and provided the most damning evidence about the Bush Family’s role – was silenced for good on Dec. 30, 2006, as he dropped through a trap door of a gallows and was made to twitch at the end of a noose fashioned from hemp.
The White House announced that George W. Bush didn’t wait up for the happy news of Hussein’s hanging. After the U.S. military turned Hussein over to his Iraqi executioners, Bush went to bed at his Crawford, Texas, ranch and slept through the night.
Instead of being turned over to the international criminal court at The Hague, where he could have been thoroughly interrogated, Hussein was kept under tight U.S. control until he was handed over to his Iraqi enemies on Dec. 30, 2006, for a chaotic hanging.
While President George W. Bush and many of his supporters were thrilled with the execution – what the New York Times called Bush’s “triumphal bookend” to the Iraq invasion – the hanging was not just rough justice meted out to a harsh dictator. It also snuffed out a dangerous witness who could have implicated senior Republicans, including Bush’s father.
Important chapters of history died with Hussein on the gallows. Hussein was a unique witness with the broadest knowledge about who arranged and sold the precursor components for his unconventional weapons that were used to kill Iranian troops and Iraqi civilians.
In death, Hussein couldn’t disclose what George W. Bush’s first Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said during that famous hand-shake meeting in 1983, nor whether he got an alleged message from Vice President George H.W. Bush in the mid-1980s about how best to deploy Iraq’s air force against Iran, nor if then-deputy CIA director Robert Gates was running interference for Iraq’s military supply line in the 1980s.
It was the elder George Bush, as Vice President, who allegedly oversaw the covert U.S. operation to assist Hussein’s war machine during the eight-year Iran-Iraq War; Rumsfeld, as special U.S. envoy to the Middle East, held private chats with the Iraqi dictator about his war needs; and Gates, as a senior CIA official, reportedly rebuffed Israeli protests about U.S. tolerance for third-country military shipments to Iraq, including precursor chemicals.
All those important Republicans and more could breathe a little easier after the hangman’s noose choked the life out of Hussein. (Gates remains in government as President Barack Obama's defense secretary.)
[For more details on what Hussein might have revealed, see Robert Parry’s Secrecy & Privilege or Consortiumnews.com’s “Missing U.S.-Iraq History” or “The Secret World of Robert Gates.”]
Captured Documents
George W. Bush’s administration successfully concealed other evidence that might have shed light on what the senior Bush, Rumsfeld and Gates did during the 1980s. The U.S. government is still sitting on key Iraqi documents seized during the invasion in 2003.
The Bush administration exploited those documents in an effort to discredit the United Nations over its handling of the Iraq “oil for food” program in the 1990s. That right-wing cause célèbre held that Hussein might have diverted money from the U.N. program to manufacture more WMD (although it turned out that he didn’t produce any WMD at that point).
However, the Bush administration withheld records from the 1980s when Hussein was producing chemical and biological weapons.
In an example of how the Bush team never ceased playing games with information, the CIA released the so-called Duelfer report in 2004, acknowledging that the administration’s pre-invasion assertions about Hussein hiding WMD stockpiles were “almost all wrong.”
But a curious feature of the Duelfer report was that it included a long section about Hussein’s abuse of the U.N.’s “oil for food” program in the 1990s, while acknowledging that those diverted funds had not gone to build illegal weapons.
Regarding the 1980s, however, the report did the opposite, acknowledging the existence of a robust WMD program but offering no documentary perspective on how that operation was organized and who was involved in delivering the crucial equipment and precursor chemicals.
In other words, the CIA’s WMD report didn’t identify the Americans or other non-Iraqis who made Iraq’s WMD arsenal possible in the 1980s.
One source who has seen the documents told me that it contains information about the role of Chilean arms dealer Carlos Cardoen, who has been identified as a key link between the CIA and Iraq for the procurement of dangerous weapons in the 1980s. But that evidence remains locked away from the public.
It also seems that the FBI either didn’t bother to ask Hussein about the U.S. officials who may have had a hand in helping him build his deadly arsenal or Hussein’s answers have been redacted out of “national security” concerns.
That singular figure who perhaps could have put the era in its fullest perspective – and provided the most damning evidence about the Bush Family’s role – was silenced for good on Dec. 30, 2006, as he dropped through a trap door of a gallows and was made to twitch at the end of a noose fashioned from hemp.
The White House announced that George W. Bush didn’t wait up for the happy news of Hussein’s hanging. After the U.S. military turned Hussein over to his Iraqi executioners, Bush went to bed at his Crawford, Texas, ranch and slept through the night.
Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Neck Deep: The Disastrous Presidency of George W. Bush, was written with two of his sons, Sam and Nat, and can be ordered at neckdeepbook.com. His two previous books, Secrecy & Privilege: The Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq and Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & 'Project Truth' are also available there. Or go to Amazon.com.
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News is source from the portal of Indymedia to the link:
http://piemonte.indymedia.org/article/6564
Other sensational revelations come to light correspondence from the super-confidential as on the SISMI's agent Altana Pietro was arrested in 2004 by the magistrate Anna Canepa.
In Italy the Nicolò Pollari SISMI's (Italian Military Secret Service) was to kidnap the largest international arms dealer: Carlos Remigio Cardoen Cornejo. Once abducted (pardon 'arrested' … after Abu Omar is not elegant to use some jargon) the arms dealer more dangerous in the world he would have been used as barter with the U.S.A.
Carlos Remigio Cardoen Cornejo is one of “most wanted fuggitive” and international research by the American CIA and FBI for selling disgusting weapons to countries around the world (the weapons are all crap but deadly “cluster bomb”better known as cluster bombs are even more). But the thing that was most angry George Bush Jr was that Cardoen is the trusted provider of Baghdad's rais Saddam Hussein.
We come to our country. What is the role of Italy?
In 2002 the Chilean arms dealer would have to come to Italy. A very secret meeting to be held near Portofino: for precision in the village of San Michele di Pagana, lovely lakeside town close to Paraggi in the beautiful setting of the Gulf of Tigullio. In this enchanting place stands the luxurious summer residence of a prominent lawyer business law firm in Genoa. In Genoa's Court file name of the mysterious lawyer was properly shielded with an "omitted" (so we are able to reveal the name).
The military secret service agent (SISMI) Altana Pietro comes to know of the secret meeting.
Altana Pietro is (as we have seen in the previous installments on Indymedia) is one of the men under Nicolò Pollari General (former Director of Military Intelligence). He is employed as an infiltrator in Genoa in social centers, for spying the Iranians of Irasco (which is currently under a rogatory USA) and to investigate many companies of high finance and important lawyers business (this explains the interest of military intelligence for a certain type of "business lawyer").
As mentioned, near Portofino was to be this summit between: Carlos Remigio Cardoen, his man of confidence in Italy Augusto Giangrandi - person known to the CIA is already arrested and deported from the U.S. for arms trafficking - mysterious lawyer business, and an Italian industrial Mr. Ing. Sergio Pucciarini.
Who is Sergio Pucciarini? It 'a former official of “Decima MAS” (the famous raiders of the special unit of the Royal Italian Navy then merged in Comsubin). The Ing. Pucciarini is CEO and owner of COSMOS Spa of Livorno. Tuscany industry specializing in Submarines manufacturing. For the precision Cosmos has a niche business that interest a lot to Saddam Hussein, and has developed a excellence technologyc know how that allows them to build a prototype of "Minisubmarine" can easily be adapted for use in war. Suitably armed the Minisubmarine can become another deadly weapon (best of “cluster bomb”).
The “Midget submarine MG110LR, SX756/S e SX908/PA” - these are the initials of minisubmarine - becomes the new object of desire of the Rais. Saddam Hussein for some time dreaming of being able to get their hands on these Italians jewels. Would very handy in the war against Iran (in the Persian Gulf Saddam has nothing to tackle the strategic naval forces of the Ayatollah).
Besides Saddam's military advisers familiar with the Cosmos Midget Minisubmarine because they've already seen in action in some drills in Pakistan (Pakistan Navy has also purchased some from Pucciarini). Who better than Cardoen could be used to satisfy the desires of the spicotic Iraqi dictator? Carlos Cardoen, from his office in Santiago, Chile organizes everything.
Together Giangrandi study the Cosmos business and all possible triangulations. In fact export minisubmarines is virtually impossible. The embargo on Iraq is very close (although craps made during the period of "Oil for Food" show the contrary) also transport in pieces is very problematic. Giangrandi has a brilliant idea. Why having to buy every single minisubmarine unit spare parts warehouse, and everything else and not directly buy the whole company? It 'a genial idea! On this basis takes off on the deal. In the game there are a lot of money. Many, many money. And almost all in “black”. Black as oil. The dictator does not mind spending. To have the Cosmos company makes available to Cardoen digits to six zeros (in $). The Iraqi crude-oil traded circumventing the UN sanctions with the S.O.M.O. (oil company of Saddam who used the ploy of the great "Oil for Food" to bypass the U.S. Embargo) produces stratospheric profits. At that time many weds businessman become millionaires overnight. Barter Agreements are concluded underhand own with all (remains haunted by Saddam's business also son of UN Secretary Kofy Annan). The off-shore accounts of Saddam overflow of cash that they literally did not see a chance to be spent. The Ing. Pucciarini instead has the water to the throat and has a tremendous need of money. For a (beautiful) handful of billions combines the deal and the Cosmos changing hands. Something less than $ 100 million at the time.
So Cosmos becomes the property of the Tecnologie Marine Italiana and Italtech (a company owned by Giangrandi with silent partner Cardoen) with Augusto Giangrandi as Sole Administrator (to appear Cardoen buyer Cosmos would be in bad taste).
But in the closing of the transaction - during the act of merger of Cosmos in the Tecnologie Marine Italiana - Giangrandi wants overdo, and does come out even companies linked directly to Carlos Cardoen as Cardoen International CIMSA (Rue des Alps, 7 Ginevra - Svizzera), Industrias Cardoen LTDA (Los Conquistadores, 1700, Piso 28 - Santiago del Cile) Inkel Company NV, Swisstech and Swissco (all occurring as guarantor).
Cosmos is paid a 50% cash and a 50% 'black' to get around the tax and (for obvious reasons) so as not to amounts which - both buyers and seller of Cosmos - do not want to appear. For peace of Pucciarini Cardoen and Giangrandi the sign and an informal "bank guarantee" of $ 34 million (two signatures on white paper headline that anyone could write).
At this point refined intrigue. The "cat and the fox" of the duo Giangrandi / Cardoen have a stroke of genius. Cosmos is already in their hands and have only paid half in cash (plus or minus) of the value of the holding of submarines. Officially, the company has already been paid and there are still a lot of money to be paid the balance. If you do not give anything to Pucciarini the "cat and the fox" you can put in your pocket almost $ 40 million.
And so it happens. Pucciarini no longer receives money from the other "black fund" gets very upset and threatened action heavy. First try with good manners (Cosmos ago notify an injunction). He wants his money. But nothing happens. Then back to the famous l business awyer who organized to purpose an arbitration, summoning to court the "cat and the fox" (There is nothing better than an arbitration to handle uncomfortable stories away from prying eyes). But Cardoen and Pucciarini are far from it. They are in Santiago of Chile to enjoy the Pucciarini's millions of dollars.
Carlos Remigio Cardoen but be very careful never to set foot in Italy. Maybe he smelled a trap. Maybe more who knows. What really happened is not possible to know. Only the 007 agent Altana Pietro, the Court of Genoa (and the Military Intelligence Service) know about this ongoing story. What is certain is that the 007 intelligent team of Nicolò Pollari there was very bad. Were not able to get a another chance to capture Cardoen. By the Court of Genoa the confidential Dossier signed "Peter Altana / SISMI" in the meantime has also mysteriously disappeared (maybe just changed cabinet after Indymedia's raids... but which one? Boh).
Nicolo Pollari and Marco Mancini with a bitter taste in mouth then console themselves with the Imam Abu Omar (meanwhile have the impunity guaranteed by the state).
Carlo Remigio Cardoen instead, although still one of the most wanted men on the planet (his picture is among the first signs of "most wanted fugitive" by the CIA and FBI) is still there in Chile, near the capital, who enjoys life at large. Undisturbed as ever. He and his business (first with Pinochet now with the current government). Cardoen continues to be the merchant of death, and manages several hotels (have some resorts). In his free time does the grower, and produces in its Fazenda near Santiago an excellent wine very valuable and appreciated. Very refined and wanted (over him).
The important sommelier they say it's very similar to the fine Italian wine Chianti in Tuscany. Perhaps it is the only honest know how that is successful in export from Italy.
Attachments:
Pdf Document "Carlos Cardoen Contract" at the ink:
http://piemonte.indymedia.org/attachments/nov2009/cardoen_contract.pdf
Pdf Document "Cardoen Giangrandi Letters" at the link:
http://piemonte.indymedia.org/attachments/nov2009/letters_cardoen_giangrandi.pdf
Documento Pdf "Cardoen Giangrandi Letters" al link:
____________________________________
Summary of the previous installments:
"Scoop: This is how SISMI spy community centers"
http://piemonte.indymedia.org/article/6464
"ALTANA PIETRO – Journalist/Agent of SISMI and SISDE"
http://piemonte.indymedia.org/article/3566
Altana Pietro: SISMI's 007 who spied community centers (and not only)"
http://piemonte.indymedia.org/article/5620
Altana Pietro and il SISMI they locked the Iranians?”
http://piemonte.indymedia.org/article/6178
"SISMI and IRANIANs - Before spying on them and offer your hand."
http://piemonte.indymedia.org/article/5025
“ENI, "ethics code" and Intelligence”
http://piemonte.indymedia.org/article/5520
“SPY STORY IN GENOA - HERE IS HOW COECLERICISPA SPYING”
http://piemonte.indymedia.org/article/1347
“VINCENZO ROPPO Story: invoice of 14 milions Euro for CIR”
http://piemonte.indymedia.org/article/6348
WARNING:
©2001-2009 Indymedia Piemunt not necessarily share the opinions of the authors. All content on Indymedia is freely reusable, can be printed and can be copied into the net and elsewhere, for commercial purposes and no provided that both the source and the author.