With soldiers under intense pressure in recent years to register combat
kills to earn promotions and benefits like time off and extra pay,
reports of civilian killings are climbing, prosecutors and researchers
say, pointing to a grisly facet of Colombia’s long internal war against
leftist insurgencies.
The wave of recent killings has also heightened focus on the American
Embassy here, which is responsible for vetting Colombian military units
for human rights abuses before they can receive aid. A study of
civilian killings by Amnesty International and Fellowship of
Reconciliation, two human rights groups, found that 47 percent of the
reported cases in 2007 involved Colombian units financed by the United
States.
....Even before the most recent disappearances and killings,
prosecutors and human rights groups were examining a steady increase in
the reports of civilian killings since 2002, when commanders
intensified a counterinsurgency financed in no small part by more than
$500 million a year in American security aid.
But more than 100 claims of civilian deaths at the hands of security
forces have emerged in recent weeks alone, from nine different parts of
Colombia. Cases have included the killing of a homeless man, a young
man who suffered epileptic seizures and a veteran who had left the army
after his left arm was amputated.
This is the imposthume of much greed and graft, and of the geopolitical
power games played by the bipartisan elite in Washington. Any
half-sentient person has known for years that the Clinton-Bush policy
of lavishing endless cash and weaponry on the right-wing death squads
in Colombia -- those in uniform and out -- has incentivized the murder
of countless innocent civilians. Anyone who has opposed the Colombian
elite, or stood up for the poor and the working people -- even if they
have nothing to do with FARC or the narco freebooters, even if, indeed,
they have also opposed their depredations also -- has long been at risk
of sudden "disappearance" or gruesome death; the serial execution of
union organizers, going back for many years, is just one example.
“We are witnessing a method of social cleansing in which rogue military
units operate beyond the law,†said Monica Sánchez, a lawyer at the
Judicial Freedom Corporation, a human rights group in MedellÃn. The
group says it has documented more than 60 “false positives†— the
chilling term for cases of civilians who are killed and then presented
as guerrillas, with weapons or fatigues — in the department, or
province, of Antioquia...
The civilian killings have increasingly opened the United States to
criticism because it is required to make sure Colombian military units
have not engaged in human rights violations before supplying them with
aid.
“If we are receiving aid and vetting from a government in Washington
that validates torture, then what kind of results can one expect?â€
asked Liliana Uribe, a human rights lawyer in MedellÃn who represents
victims’ families.
"A government in Washington that validates torture" -- this is the crux
of the matter. A government -- or rather, an entire political elite --
that validates torture, wars of aggression, cross-border "incursions,"
"black ops," a military empire of more than 700 bases all over the
planet, and the slaughter of more than one million innocent lives on
just one front of the "Terror War" alone, will indeed produce results
like the ones we see in Colombia. It is inevitable, unavoidable -- it
is precisely what the system is designed to do: put the power of life
and death into the hands of brutal elites, who will in turn kowtow to
Washington's political, financial, military, and ideological agendas.
The Republicans do this without the slightest qualm, proudly (as we
noted here earlier), frankly, without any finesse and very little
pretense. The Democrats wring their hands a bit over the "excesses" and
"aberrations" of the system, and employ more nuanced justifications,
more rhetorical gilding. But both parties are in full agreement on the
need to maintain -- and expand -- this massive militarist empire.
II.
And yes, it will continue under Obama. And no, the American empire is
not about to collapse any time soon, despite the economic catastrophe
and the murderous botching of the Iraq and Afghanistan operations. As
Princeton historian Arno Mayer notes this week in CounterPunch:
The United States may emerge from the Iraq fiasco almost unscathed.
Though momentarily disconcerted, the American empire will continue on
its way, under bipartisan direction and mega-corporate pressure, and
with evangelical blessings. It is a defining characteristic of mature
imperial states that they can afford costly blunders, paid for not by
the elites but the lower orders. Predictions of the American empire's
imminent decline are exaggerated: without a real military rival, it
will continue for some time as the world's sole hyperpower.
But though they endure, overextended empires suffer injuries to their
power and prestige. In such moments they tend to lash out, to avoid
being taken for paper tigers. Given Washington's predicament in Iraq,
will the US escalate its intervention in Iran, Syria, Lebanon,
Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sudan, Somalia or Venezuela? The US has the
strongest army the world has ever known. Preponderant on sea, in the
air and in space (including cyberspace), the US has an awesome capacity
to project its power over enormous distances with speed, a
self-appointed sheriff rushing to master or exploit real and putative
crises anywhere on earth.
The US spends more than 20% of its annual budget on defense, nearly
half of the spending of the rest of the world put together. It's good
for the big US corporate arms manufacturers and their export sales. The
Gulf states, led by Saudi Arabia, purchase billions of dollars of
state-of-the-art ordnance.
Underscoring that point, Jeff Huber notes at Military.com:
Iran's defense budget is less than one percent the size of ours. North
Korea's entire gross domestic product is less than ten percent of our
defense budget... Russia and China each spend ten percent or less on
defense than we do. The Russians already lost the part they sit with
trying to run with us in an arms race. The Chinese had sufficient
ancient wisdom to learn from Russia's mistake rather than make it
themselves. They're both so far behind now they'd never catch up, and
they know it. They won't bleed themselves white economically trying to
do the impossible.
We spend more money on defense than the rest of the world combined. We
don't need a larger military. We don't need the one we have now. We
don't need half of it.
But both McCain and Obama have pledged themselves to a massive
enlargement of the American war machine. And they will still have vast
resources to draw upon as they advance the cause of empire, as Arno
notes:
The US economy, syncretic culture and Big Science are unequalled.
Despite huge fiscal and trade deficits, and the Wall Street banking and
insurance meltdown, which have unhinged its financial system and
rippled across the global economy, overall the US economy remains
robust and pacesetting in creative destruction. Never mind the social
costs at home and abroad. But its shrinking industrial and
manufacturing sectors may be the weakest link.
The US still holds a substantial lead in research, development and
patents in cybernetics, molecular biology and neuroscience. This is
facilitated by publicly, privately and corporately funded research
universities and laboratories that establish outposts overseas as they
draw in brains from around the globe...
The empire has extraordinary reserves of hard and soft power for
persisting in its interventionism. The US has the wherewithal and will
to stay a face-saving course in Iraq. There is a deficit of combat
troops for large conventional ground operations and a strategic
incoherence in the face of irregular warfare against insurgent,
guerrilla and terrorist forces. But the deficit of soldiers will be
remedied. Private contractors will raise armed and civilian
mercenaries, preferably at cut-rate wages from third world
dependencies.
Again, the point is not whether ordinary American citizens will thrive
under such a system. For the most part, they will not. But their
prosperity and security do not figure into the imperial power
equations. They are irrelevant. (Although that's not to say that
unruly temper in the herd must not be allayed from time to time,
occasionally by genuine reforms that head off popular discontent, or,
very often, by promises, feints, fine rhetoric and symbolic gestures
evoking hope for change.)
And the sad fact is, once a nation gets a taste for empire, many of its
people become emotionally invested in it (not to mention financially
invested). As Arno puts it:
This American empire has significant family resemblances with past
empires in its grab for critical natural resources, mass markets and
strategic outposts. Americans know they have a considerable stake in
the persistence of their imperium. Some social strata benefit more from
its spoils than others. Still, it is profitable socially, culturally
and psychologically, especially for its intelligentsia, liberal
professions and media.
III.
The murder-for-bonuses scheme carried out by many American-trained and
American-funded units in Colombia is just one more bitter fruit of the
imperial tree. It was spawned by both the "War on Terror" and its twin
in corruption, militarism, lawlessness and vast, needless suffering,
the "War on Drugs," launched almost 40 years ago, and still going
strong -- albeit without the slightest discernible effect on the level
of drug use. As I noted in a column in the Moscow Times -- back in
December 2001:
After all, as [the Bush Administration] tells us, the "war on
terrorism" is just like "the war on drugs" – that is to say, a
never-ending fount of profitable corruption for the ruthless, the
murderous and the well-connected.
Certainly, the "war on drugs" makes little sense otherwise. We all know
that if the ingestion of various arbitrarily chosen substances were no
longer prosecuted, the level of violence, crime and repression in
society would be reduced immeasurably. "Substance abuse" would then
become what it is now for drugs like alcohol and nicotine: a matter of
personal character and private consequence.
Crack addicts, for example, could have their nightly pipe in the safety
of their own home, for the same price as a six-pack of beer, a carton
of cigarettes or the latest Disney video. They wouldn't need to resort
to crime to feed an expensive criminalized habit. And their resulting
stupefaction would be no more harmful to the public good than that of
millions of their fellow citizens sitting slack-jawed in front of the
tube.
But decriminalization will never happen. Illegal drugs are simply too
profitable for the various powerful criminal elements known as
"mafias," "warlords" – and "intelligence agencies." For drug-running is
the perfect way to fund your black ops – no budget restraints, no legal
niceties, no pesky legislators looking over your shoulder....
Let's connect the dots. Drugs help stoke war. Defense firms sell the
weapons of war – to governments, warlords, terrorists, whoever will
pay. The investors and owners of defense firms – like, say, the Bush
family and the bin Ladens [at that time recent partners in the Carlyle
Group] – are directly enriched by war. And so the wars go on.
And they will keep going on, even if the bright sun of "pragmatic
progressivism" rises on Inauguration Day 2009. Obama has rightly cited
the murder of Colombian union activists as a cause for concern, even
bringing it before a national television audience in the last debate.
But again, this is a matter of nuance, of technocratic tinkering within
the framework of the bipartisan consensus for empire. Obama has also
supported the Colombian government in its Bush-style cross-border
military incursions to "fight terrorism," and back the expansion of the
"Merida Initiative," a Bush-created scheme that would essentially
expand "Plan Colombia" -- with the "results" detailed in the New York
Times story -- throughout Latin America, as the Council on Hemispheric
Affairs reports:
Obama supports the extension of the Merida Initiative to create a more
comprehensive regional security bloc within the Western Hemisphere. The
Merida Initiative was proposed by President Bush as the keystone of his
U.S.-Central America security plan, and is focused on the provision of
military and police aid to Mexico (with much smaller amounts to Central
American countries) to fight organized crime and drug cartels. It is a
complete truism that the military and legal structures in Mexico and
Central America have suffered from a history of corruption and human
rights abuses, and critics of current U.S. policy argue that increasing
military aid to the region only increases the capacity of local
authorities to abuse power of an already deeply flawed law enforcement
system. The Merida Initiative is in many ways similar to Plan Colombia,
which provides military and police aid to fight narcotrafficking and
organized crime there...
The Council goes on to note:
While the complete nature of Obama’s Latin American platform remains to
be seen, there is no doubt that Obama’s stance on hemispheric affairs
will differ from that of the Bush White House, but not so much from
Clinton’s regional policy which was barely discernable from Reagan-era
area policy.
That is a chilling conclusion indeed from this very mainstream,
centrist organization, when one considers the murderous abomination
that was "Reagan-era area policy" in Latin America. As I noted in the
Moscow Times in June 2004:
Reagan willingly abetted the murder of countless thousands of innocent
people throughout Central America, killed at the hands of U.S.-trained
death squads and military units -- more than 200,000 civilians murdered
in Guatemala alone, Consortiumnews.com reports. Many more were tortured
and raped by U.S. proxies -- all this with the connivance of Reagan
officials, who lied to Congress about the atrocities. One of these
liars, Elliot Abrams, was convicted of perjury; but pardoned by George
Bush I, he now directs Middle East policy for George Bush II. (For
more, see Robert Parry's "Reagan and Guatemala's Death Files" and his
"Reagan's Bogus Legacy.")
I don't believe this is the kind of "change" that most Americans are
hoping for from an Obama administration. To be sure, Obama has talked
about building his Latin American policies around the strengthening of
civic structures, protection of human rights and nurturing the rule of
law. These are good words; but then again, what American president has
not claimed that his policies were designed to advance these noble
pursuits? At the moment, Obama seems poised to take away with his right
hand what he proffers with his left: bold words on human rights, but at
the same time an extension of the murder-producing, elite-coddling
"Plan Colombia" throughout the region.
We've said this many times before: within the American militarist
empire as it now stands, there are spaces where factional differences
among the elite can produce mitigations of the system's malign effects
in various ways for a substantial number of people. This is not
nothing, especially if you are one of those people. I don't believe in
begrudging anyone's desire for relief, however partial and imperfect
that relief might be. At the same time, it is clear that Obama fully
accepts the logic, the structure and the overall agenda of the imperial
system -- a system which inevitably, irresistibly generates atrocities
on a mass scale.
Once you accept that -- and not only accept it, but even fight hard to
take control of it, to make it yours -- then what won't you do? And how
quickly and easily will you cast aside your mitigations if the needs of
the system demand it? If you pick up a scepter still dripping with
fresh blood, and wield it, will your hand not "incarnadine the
multitudinous seas, making the green one red?"