- “The Department is
concerned that releasing the records could interfere with future
Department investigations by discouraging voluntary cooperation.
- “Finally,
we are withholding portions of the records...because they are
classified and contain information protected from disclosure by the
National Security Act of 1947.â€
In a separate development, a
federal judge on Saturday ordered Cheney to preserve all documents
during his seven years as vice president. CREW sued the vice president
challenging Cheney's narrow interpretation of his obligations under the
Presidential Records Act, based in large part on his claim that he is
not part of the executive branch. In granting CREW's request for a
preliminary injunction, the court rejected the arguments of the White
House that they were preserving all vice presidential records, which
they defined narrowly to include only functions "specially assigned" to
the vice president by the president and his duties as president of the
Senate.
Henry Waxman, the Democratic chairman of the he House
Oversight and Government Reform Committee, subpoenaed Attorney General
Michael Mukasey in June for Cheney’s interview transcript as well a
copy the transcript of President George W. Bush’s interview with
Special Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald, and the grand jury testimony of
Karl Rove, Bush’s former top aide.
But Mukasey did not state
that the either of the transcripts contained classified information
when he refused to comply with Waxman’s subpoena. Mukasey advised Bush
to assert his executive privilege powers to block release of the
transcripts.
- “I am greatly concerned about the chilling effect
that compliance with the [House Oversight] Committee's subpoena would
have on future White House deliberations and White House cooperation
with future Justice Department investigations,†Mukasey wrote in a
letter to Bush on July 16.
Yet Patrick Fitzgerald, the special
prosecutor who spent three years investigating White House officials’
role in the Plame leak, said in a letter sent to Waxman in July that
the interviews he conducted with Bush and Cheney in 2004 were not
protected by grand jury secrecy rules and could arguably be turned over
to Congress if authorized by the Justice Department.
Moreover,
Fitzgerald said that in his capacity as special counsel he did not
enter into a pre-arranged agreement with the White House to keep secret
Bush and Cheney’s interview transcripts.
- “I can advise you that
as to any interviews of either the President or Vice President not
protected by the rules of grand jury secrecy, there were no
"agreements, conditions and understandings between the Office of
Special Counsel or the Federal Bureau of Investigation" and either the
President or Vice President "regarding the conduct and use of the
interview or interviews,†Fitzgerald’s July 3 letter addressed to
Waxman says.
Fitzgerald has turned over to Waxman’s committee
“FBI 302 reports†of interviews with CIA and State Department officials
and other individuals involved in the CIA leak, Waxman said in a letter
to Mukasey last December.
But “the White House has been blocking
Mr. Fitzgerald from providing key documents to the Committee,"
including transcripts of Fitzgerald’s interviews with Bush and Cheney,
Waxman said.
Two senior DOJ officials knowledgeable about the
CIA leak investigation said Saturday that officials in the Office of
the Vice President issued a request to the DOJ recently to classify
Cheney’s transcript. However, the DOJ officials did not know the exact
timing of when the DOJ classified portions of the transcript. A DOJ
spokesman did not return calls for comment Saturday.
House
Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers has also been actively
pursuing the interview transcripts. In June, he issued a subpoena to
Mukasey for a wide-range of documents related to Fitzgerald’s probe and
was also rejected.
Conyers and Waxman’s interest in the CIA leak
case was revived with the publication in June of former White House
press secretary McClellan’s memoir which suggested Bush and Cheney
played a larger role in the matter than they have admitted publicly.
Conyers
was set to hold a vote Sept. 10 on a contempt citation for Mukasey for
refusing to turn over the subpoenaed documents to his panel but decided
to “defer†the matter when the DOJ reluctantly released 681-pages of
documents related to a voter identification law implemented last year
in the state of Georgia that the Michigan Democrat had sought.
But
in a letter sent to Conyers Sept. 9, Keith Nelson, a deputy attorney
general, did not say that Cheney’s interview transcript was classified.
Nelson said he could not release the document because Bush had already
asserted executive privilege.
Senior Bush administration
officials disclosed Valerie Plame Wilson’s identity to several
journalists in June and July of 2003 amid White House efforts to
discredit her husband, former U.S. Ambassador Joseph Wilson, for
challenging Bush’s use of bogus intelligence to justify invading Iraq.
Valerie
Plame Wilson’s CIA employment was revealed in a July 14, 2003, article
by right-wing columnist Robert Novak, effectively destroying her
career. Two months later, a CIA complaint to the Justice Department
sparked a criminal probe into the identity of the leakers.
Initially,
Bush professed not to know anything about the matter, and several of
his senior aides, including political adviser Karl Rove and the vice
president’s chief of staff I. Lewis Libby, followed suit.
However,
it later became clear that Rove and Libby had a hand in the Plame leak
and that Bush and Cheney had helped organize a campaign to disparage
Wilson by giving critical information to friendly journalists.
On
June 24, 2004, Fitzgerald interviewed Bush for 70 minutes about the
Plame leak. The only other member of the Bush team in the room during
the meeting was Jim Sharp, the private lawyer that Bush hired,
according to a press briefing by then-press secretary Scott McClellan.
Fitzgerald had interviewed a couple of weeks earlier, Cheney.
According
to sources knowledgeable about the vice president’s testimony, Cheney
was specifically asked about conversations he had with senior aides,
including Libby, and queried about whether he was aware of a campaign
led by White House officials to leak Plame’s identity.
It is unknown how Cheney responded to those questions. Cheney retained a private attorney, Terrence O’Donnell.
At
the time of Waxman's comments, Fitzgerald’s criminal investigation was
still underway, leading to Libby’s indictment in October 2005 and his
subsequent conviction in March 2007 on four counts of perjury and
obstruction of justice.
During closing arguments at Libby’s
trial, Cheney was implicated in the leak, as Fitzgerald acknowledged
that Cheney was intimately involved in the scandal and may have told
Libby to leak Plame's status to the media.
Fitzgerald told
jurors that his investigation into the true nature of the vice
president's involvement was impeded because Libby obstructed justice.
Libby's
attorney, Theodore Wells, told jurors during his closing arguments that
Fitzgerald had been trying to build a case of conspiracy against the
vice president and Libby and that the prosecution believed Libby may
have lied to federal investigators and to a grand jury to protect
Cheney.
- “Now, I think the government, through its questions, really tried to put a cloud over Vice President Cheney," Wells said.
Rebutting
Wells, Fitzgerald r told jurors: