In a
June 24 letter Deputy Attorney General Keith Nelson sent to
Waxman, the agency said it was withholding the documents on grounds of
executive privilege, despite the fact that in 1999 the DOJ had made
available to the House Oversight Committee FBI reports of interviews
with President Bill Clinton and Vice President Al Gore related to the
Justice Department's campaign finance probe.
Nelson said the DOJ considered that situation "to be fundamentally different from the present situation."
Still,
"as we have informed the Committee, we are not prepared to provide or
make available any reports of interviews with the President or the Vice
President from the leak investigation," the letter to Waxman's
committee says.
- "To do so would allow Congress to obtain through
access to Justice Department investigative files information that it
otherwise could not gather through its own inquiry because of
separation of powers...The interview reports sought by the Committee
deal directly with internal White House deliberations and
communications relating to foreign policy and national security
decisions faced by the President and his immediate advisers.
Congressional access to those reports would intrude into one of the
most sensitive and confidential areas of presidential decision-making,"
Nelson wrote.
- "Moreover, from the institutional perspective,
the Committee's request for copies of FBI reports of interviews with
the President and the Vice President raises a very serious additional
separation of powers concern relating to the integrity and
effectiveness of future law enforcement investigations by the
Department," he added.
According to a statement on the
committee’s website, Special Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald may have
entered into some sort of pre-arranged agreement with the president and
vice president stating that the transcripts would remain under seal.
Waxman wrote a letter to Fitzgerald Friday seeking; “information
regarding the terms under which Fitzgerald interviewed President Bush
and Vice President Cheney in the course of his investigation into the
leak.â€
Waxman said he received a letter from Fitzgerald on
January 18 in which the special prosecutor said he “provided the White
House and the other executive branch agencies with equities in the
relevant documents an opportunity to review the materials we determined
were not protected by Rule 6(e)," which is the rule governing grand
jury material."
Documents sufficient to show the date and terms of
all agreements, conditions, and understandings between the Offrce of
Special Counsel or the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Vice
President of the United States, regarding the conduct and use of the
interview or interviews of the Vice President conducted as part of the
Valerie Plame Wilson leak investigation.
- “If such agreements,
conditions, and understandings were not memorialized in writing, I
request that you submit a written description of the date and terms of
any such agreements, conditions, and understandings,†the letter from
Waxman says.
On Friday, House Judiciary Committee
John Conyers
also subpoenaed the Justice Department demanding the agency turn over
to his committee Fitzgerald’s interview transcripts with Bush and
Cheney, as well as documents related to other issues his committee has
been probing, after the agency denied to voluntarily make the documents
available.
Earlier this month, the Justice Department denied
Waxman’s request for a voluntary release of the interview transcripts
with Bush and Cheney on grounds that it “raises serious separation of
powers and heightened confidentiality concerns.â€
So far,
Fitzgerald has turned over to Waxman’s committee “FBI 302 reports†of
interviews with CIA and State Department officials and other
individuals involved in the CIA leak, Waxman said in a letter to
Mukasey last December.
But “the White House has been blocking
Mr. Fitzgerald from providing key documents to the Committee,"
including transcripts of Fitzgerald’s interviews with Bush and Cheney,
Waxman said.
Senior Bush administration officials disclosed
Valerie Plame Wilson’s identity to several journalists in June and July
of 2003 amid White House efforts to discredit her husband, former U.S.
Ambassador Joseph Wilson, for challenging Bush’s use of bogus
intelligence to justify invading Iraq.
Plame Wilson’s CIA
employment was revealed in a July 14, 2003, article by right-wing
columnist Robert Novak, effectively destroying her career. Two months
later, a CIA complaint to the Justice Department sparked a criminal
probe into the identity of the leakers.
Initially, Bush
professed not to know anything about the matter, and several of his
senior aides, including political adviser Karl Rove and the vice
president’s chief of staff I. Lewis Libby, followed suit.
However,
it later became clear that Rove and Libby had a hand in the Plame leak
and that Bush and Cheney had helped organize a campaign to disparage
Wilson by giving critical information to friendly journalists.
On
June 24, 2004, Bush was interviewed by Fitzgerald for 70 minutes about
the Plame leak. The only other member of the Bush team in the room
during the meeting was Jim Sharp, the private lawyer that Bush hired,
according to a press briefing by then-press secretary Scott McClellan.
- â€The
President … was pleased to do his part to help the investigation move
forward,†McClellan said. “No one wants to get to the bottom of this
matter more than the President of the United States.â€
A couple of weeks earlier, Cheney had been interviewed by Fitzgerald.
According
to sources knowledgeable about the vice president’s testimony, Cheney
was specifically asked about conversations he had with senior aides,
including Libby, and queried about whether he was aware of a campaign
led by White House officials to leak Plame’s identity.
It is
unknown how Cheney responded to those questions. Cheney retained a
private attorney, Terrence O’Donnell. Neither O’Donnell nor Sharp
returned calls for comment on Monday.
Long-Sought Evidence
Three
years ago, Waxman called for congressional hearings to determine if
there was a White House conspiracy to unmask Plame Wilson's covert
status in retaliation for the criticism Wilson leveled against the
administration's use of a bogus claim that Iraq had obtained uranium
from Niger.
- "I think that the Congress must hold hearings, bring
Karl Rove in, put him under oath, and let him explain the situation
from his point of view," Waxman said during an interview with
“Democracy Now†in July 2005.
- "Let him tell us what happened. It's ridiculous that Congress should stay out of all of this and not hold hearings."
At
the time of Waxman's comments, Fitzgerald’s criminal investigation was
still underway, leading to Libby’s indictment in October 2005 and his
subsequent conviction in March 2007 on four counts of perjury and
obstruction of justice.
During closing arguments at Libby’s
trial, Cheney was implicated in the leak, as Fitzgerald acknowledged
that Cheney was intimately involved in the scandal and may have told
Libby to leak Plame's status to the media.
Fitzgerald told
jurors that his investigation into the true nature of the vice
president's involvement was impeded because Libby obstructed justice.
Libby's
attorney, Theodore Wells, told jurors during his closing arguments that
Fitzgerald had been trying to build a case of conspiracy against the
vice president and Libby and that the prosecution believed Libby may
have lied to federal investigators and to a grand jury to protect
Cheney.
- “Now, I think the government, through its questions, really tried to put a cloud over Vice President Cheney," Wells said.
Rebutting
Wells, Fitzgerald told jurors: "You know what? [Wells] said something
here that we're trying to put a cloud on the vice president. We'll talk
straight. There is a cloud over the vice president. He sent Libby off
to [meet with New York Times reporter] Judith Miller at the St. Regis
Hotel. At that meeting - the two-hour meeting - the defendant talked
about the wife [Plame]. We didn't put that cloud there. That cloud
remains because the defendant obstructed justice and lied about what
happened."
Moreover, copies of Cheney’s handwritten notes also appeared to implicate Bush in the leak case.
Cheney's
notes, which were introduced as evidence during Libby's trial, called
into question the truthfulness of Bush's vehement denials about having
prior knowledge of the sub rosa campaign against Wilson.
In an
October 2003 note to then-press secretary McClellan, Cheney demanded
that the press office add Libby to a list of White House officials
being cleared of any role in the Plame leak.
"Not going to
protect one staffer + sacrifice the guy that was asked to stick his
head in the meat grinder because of incompetence of others," Cheney
wrote. However, the note revealed that Cheney had originally written
"this Pres" before crossing that out and using the passive tense, "that
was."
In other words, the original version suggested that Bush
had asked Libby “to stick his head in the meat grinder,†an apparent
reference to dealing with the Washington press corps.
Over the
past month, interest in the CIA leak case was revived by former White
House press secretary McClellan’s memoir which also suggests Bush and
Cheney played a larger role than they have admitted publicly.
Waxman
sent a letter to Mukasey in early June stating that, according to FBI
transcripts given to the committee, Libby told federal investigators
that Cheney might have told him to leak Plame's CIA ties to reporters.
- "In
his interview with the FBI, Mr. Libby stated that it was ‘possible’
that Vice President Cheney instructed him to disseminate information
about Ambassador Wilson's wife to the press. This is a significant
revelation and, if true, a serious matter. It cannot be responsibly
investigated without access to the Vice President's FBI interview,"
Waxman wrote.