Elections, Capitalism, and Democracy
by Charles Sullivan
Because so many of the people on the political left fear that John McCain will become the next president, they have allowed themselves to see the very moderate democratic candidate, Barack Obama, as a desirable alternative to the decidedly ghoulish McCain, rather than supporting a genuine progressive like Dennis Kucinich, Cynthia McKinney, or Ralph Nader. They thus perceive Obama to be far more progressive than he really is.
Such comparisons lead us down a dichotomous pathway that assures a continuous drift to the right.
Each election cycle the people on the left find themselves
out-flanked by those on the right by allowing them to frame the debate
and to define who we are. So each election we end up supporting a very
moderate candidate rather than a truly progressive one. Because all of
the mainstream candidates are intensively influenced by corporate
lobbyists and the electoral system is owned by capital, democracy has
remained as elusive as capturing the ghost of a saint with a piece of
duct tape.
According to Ambrose I. Lane Sr., host of
Pacifica radio’s “We Ourselves,†John McCain has the third most
conservative voting record of anyone in the senate. Running an
extremist from the opposite end of the political spectrum forces the
democratic candidate further to the right than he or she already is. So
when progressives fall into this trap, as they so often do, it is a
win-win for the corporate lobbyists pulling the strings behind the
curtain. They end up supporting a candidate they think can compete
against extremists rather than one who actually represents their
values. If you have to become like your opponent in order to defeat
them, what can you honesty say has been won?
Progressives
cannot gain ground by ceding their ideology to their conservative
opponents in order to gain office. Without having a viable candidate
coming from the far left of the Democratic Party, progressives cannot
reasonably expect to push the debate back toward the political center,
much less to the left of center. You can make a good case, however,
that the democratic leadership under Howard Dean has no real desire to
move to the left or to represent traditional progressive values. It
likes the status quo just fine; a position that has served its
corporate funders well.
Because it has been co-opted
by corporate lobbyists—who always hedge their bets—the Democratic Party
no longer houses a genuine left-wing faction that can effectively
compete for votes in a way that emulates the success of the far right.
Because right-wing extremism and corporate fascism are portrayed in the
corporate media as reasonable centrist positions beneficial to the
people—that is how they are perceived by those who receive their
political education from those sources. Thus extremism packaged as
democracy is widely considered to be the norm when, in fact, it is not;
it is fanaticism couched as something much more benign or beneficial,
even if it is a poison pill. Yet it is this extremism that undermines
the interests of the nation’s working class people and keeps them
subservient to corporate fascism. Voting for meaningful change is like
running on a treadmill and expecting to actually go somewhere.
The
problem is that capital, rather than informed citizens interested in
democracy, is in control of the electoral process. Capital furthers the
interest of capital, rather than the interest of the people, and this
creates an irreconcilable conflict with genuine human interests. So we
end up with a sociopolitical system that is not only fundamentally
unjust; it is also predatory and cannibalistic. It consumes the very
people who feed it and give it the appearance of legitimacy: the great
unwashed working class.
Capitalism flourishes, for a
short time, at least, by socializing costs and by privatizing profits
and this concentrates and centralizes power into the hands of a select
few. Its real purpose is not to serve people; it is to exploit them.
Capitalism isn’t even a natural system; it is a purely human construct
that has no basis in nature. It is a synthetic system and, as we have
seen through chemistry, synthetic systems tend to become mutagens, and
thus promote cancer.
Due in part to their extreme
political naiveté and to delusional thinking, too many people have
accepted corporate fascism as a centrist or “normal†position. Thus
they have unwittingly allowed predatory and cannibalistic
forces—unregulated markets—to determine the fate of the nation and its
people. Neoconservatives and neoliberals, alike, have defined the free
market as an unregulated market, which has become their concept of
democracy. The so called free market is not under the control of human
beings in any meaningful sense, and it does not respond to human needs.
Like a creation of Frankenstein, it is a man-made monster that has
escaped from the laboratory and is wreaking havoc across the
countryside, menacing everyone and everything in its gargantuan
steel-booted path.
By themselves, markets are not
necessarily a bad thing. Certainly people need commerce and trade.
However, it is when markets are deregulated—as required by the
adherents of Milton Friedman and the Chicago School of Economics—that
they turn upon people and become predatory, undemocratic, and
cannibalistic. When markets are given more power and more rights than
people, people will cede not only their power to them, but also their
humanity. This is how markets have become all-powerful entities that
have no soul or conscience and are answerable to no one: monstrosities
in every sense of the word.
I would argue, however,
that the object of commerce and trade should be to serve people and to
benefit the whole of society, rather than to generate enormous profits
for the benefit of a select few. Commerce without democracy cannot help
us toward a free and democratic society; it can only undermine our
every effort at genuine democratization.
Either you
work for the public interest or you work for self-interest. It is this
assertion that finally brings us back to our starting point—the
electoral process. Because the process is under the control of capital
rather than working class people, it undermines the democratic process
and substitutes something else in its place. That process has led us to
where we are and it can never take us back to where we started from.
Nor can it ever lead us to genuine democracy or to justice. It can only
bear the fruit of its own seeds; it can only provide us with more of
what it has already produced.
If we the people are
serious about real democratic government, we must work for it outside
of the electoral process, as well as from within. We must organize a
revolutionary force so powerful that it cannot be ignored or denied. We
must institute effective and prolonged economic boycotts. We must
organize work slow-downs, work stoppages, and general strikes in order
to make corrupt government feel our pain. We must create labor unions
that genuinely fight for worker’s rights while simultaneously
transitioning the country away from an exploitive and self-destructive
capital economy toward a people-oriented economy based upon need,
rather than privatized profit subsidized by public funds. These are the
means to creating a democratic workplace and bringing malignant
capitalism to a grinding halt. The electoral process does not provide
the tools for revolution; it subverts the process and only delays the
inevitable.
While Barach Obama has run for the
presidency on the premise of change, his ideology is fundamentally the
same as the presidents who came before him: the economic theories of
Milton Friedman and the belief in corporate deregulation; profits
before people. Obama’s economic advisers subscribe to the same economic
theorem that brought us the trickle down economics of Ronald Reagan and
his disastrous foreign policy. Obama’s foreign policy advisers
subscribe to the same philosophy that brought us the invasion of Iraq
and the Israeli occupation of Palestine; every one of them a
war-mongering imperialist with close ties to the military industrial
complex with its nexus of profiteering. His energy policy team has
great faith in clean coal and safe nuclear energy, neither of which
exists.
Because the Obama team is anything but
revolutionary, it is unreasonable to expect them to produce polices
significantly different than the ones that are already in play. We saw
this with Bill Clinton who campaigned on promises to do one thing but,
once elected, did another. Clinton won office by being more right-wing
than his republican opponent. That was no victory for progressives. How
could it be?
This is not to say that Barach Obama is a
bad person in any way. Certainly, he is an intelligent man of
reasonably good character and a fine orator, but that does not qualify
him as representative of the people or the democracy they so
desperately need. Is he a better choice than John McCain? Without doubt
he is. But then, so is almost anyone else. A toadstool would be a
better choice than McCain. We must remember that Obama has been groomed
to become president some day and that grooming was provided by special
interests whose unstated purpose is to undermine genuine democracy by
substituting an imposter in its place. They are convinced that the
American people won’t know the difference. So don’t expect any
significant changes under Obama, despite all of the campaign rhetoric
to the contrary.
The presence of McCain makes the
very moderate Obama an appealing alternative and that assures victory
for the status quo. It frightens progressive voters away from
supporting real progressives like Dennis Kucinich or Cynthia McKinney.
Barach Obama was the real choice of the established orthodoxy all
along. The marketing strategists have used John McCain to funnel the
votes toward Obama and away from genuine progressives. That is where
the real fight was. You can call it voting in the absence of real
choice because that is precisely what it is. The same policies that
have been in play for decades will continue on and we will keep getting
a similar result.
Obama’s recent endorsement of
warrantless wire-tapping is not only evidence of his belonging to the
established orthodoxy; it directly connects him to the draconian
policies of the Bush regime and to those of Senator McCain. No true
progressive would want to be associated with the unlawful and
unjustified surveillance of law-abiding citizens. This is a red flag
that must not be ignored.
This is why the country
continues to quietly drift further to the right: there is no real
choice in elections and we continue to behave as if there are. It is
the capitalist system that is at fault, not the candidates themselves
who play the game according to the dictum of its inventors. They, too,
as despicable as some of them are, are its unwitting victims.
What
hope is there for genuine progressives in a game that is rigged? If we
are ever to become responsible citizens, we must learn how to separate
the contents of the box from the fancy packaging. The same old
ideology, regardless of who espouses it, will not lead to meaningful
change; nor will pursing the same old methods. If we are going to be
satisfied with that, then we can continue to be pawns in a rich man’s
game and accept the results of the game without complaint. If we expect
better, then we must begin by demanding better of ourselves by
recognizing what is being done in our name and doing something about
it. But first we must awaken from our stupor and come to the
realization that democracy means direct citizen action.
Charles Sullivan welcomes your comments at csullivan@copper.net
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