If you've put up with my rants for any time at all, you know I'm
no lover of conspiracy theories. And so that's not where I;m going with
this. The Carlyle Group has replaced the Trilateral Commission as the
conspiracy-minded's invisible hand of all things devious and evil. I
don't see it that way at all. Instead I see the Carlyle Group for what
it is -- America's preeminent conduit of the fruits of crony capitalism.
Founded
in 1987 with $5 million, the Washington-based merchant bank controls
nearly $14 billion in investments, making it the largest private equity
manager in the world. Carlyle doesn't dabble in investments. It buys
and sells entire companies the way most other investment firms trade
shares of stock.
I'm not saying that the Magna Carta's new
owner, David Rubenstein, is a bad man. I did some research and he gives
a lot of (tax deductible) money to worthy charities. But then, why not?
If members of this exclusive group have anything in excess, it's
money. At any point in time, Carlyle and it's investors have vested
interests virtually any thing important that's going down in the world.
Wars are bullish for Carlyle. Which is why Carlyle's board of
directors and advisor's has read like a Who's Who of all things that go
BANG -- and KA-CHING.
Oh, and all things Bush too.
Former
president George H.W. Bush is a Carlyle adviser, as is former British
prime minister John Major who heads its European arm. Former secretary
of state James Baker is senior counselor, former White House budget
chief Richard Darman is a partner, former SEC chairman Arthur Levitt is
senior adviser -- the list goes on.
Carlyle has, from time to
time, played the role of power-legacy incubator, as it did when asked
to find a no-work job for George H. Bush's good-for-nothing son, George
W. George and Barbara Bush are close to the Rubensteins. David, his
wife and three children tagged along on an African safari with Barbara
Bush.
Four years before George W. Bush's first run for Texas
Governor, Rubenstein was asked to find a soft spot for Georgie to cool
his heels and earn some easy money. Carlyle had just purchase Caterair,
a company that provided food service to the airlines. A Bush family
confident came to Rubenstein and pitched young George.
- "...we
were putting the board together, somebody [Fred Malek] came to me and
said, look there is a guy who would like to be on the board. He's kind
of down on his luck a bit. Needs a job. Needs a board position. Needs
some board positions. Could you put him on the board? Pay him a salary
and he'll be a good board member and be a loyal vote for the management
and so forth...We put him on the board and [he] spent three years. Came
to all the meetings. Told a lot of jokes. Not that many clean ones. "
(David Rubenstein)
(Irony alert: Fred Malek received his 15
minutes of fame in the 1970s as deputy director of CREEP (Committee to
Re-elect the President), the Nixon White House operation behind
Watergate.)
Did Carlyle's managers laugh at George's jokes? Hard
to say. More likely they just grinned and bore it, which paid off a
decade and half later:
April 2003: Directors of one of the
world’s largest armament companies are planning on meeting in Lisbon in
three weeks time. The American based Carlyle Group is heavily involved
in supplying arms to the Coalition forces fighting in the Iraqi war.
It
also holds a majority of shares in the Seven Up company and Federal
Data Corporation, supplier of air traffic control surveillance systems
to the US Federal Aviation Authority. The 12 billion dollar company has
recently signed contracts with United Defense Industries to equip the
Turkish and Saudi Arabian armies with aviation Defense systems.
Top
of the meeting’s agenda is expected to be the company’s involvement in
the rebuilding of Baghdad’s infrastructure after the cessation of
current hostilities. Along with several other US companies, the Carlyle
Group is expected to be awarded a billion dollar contract by the US
Government to help in the redevelopment of airfields and urban areas
destroyed by Coalition aerial bombardments. (
Full Story)
And,
talk about being in on the ground floor of the "War on Terror:" On
September 11, 2001, the day two planes crashed into the World Trade
Center, the Carlyle Group was hosting an investors conference at the
nearby Ritz-Carlton, a conference attended by none other than Osama bin
Laden's brother. George H. Bush attended the conference the day before
and had met personally with the bin Laden kin.
No, I'm not
siding with the 9/11 conspiracy folks. I still think they're nuts. I am
simply making the point that when it, if it's big, or promises to be
big, the Carlyle Group makes sure it has an arm lock on good hunk of
the action.
Former Secretary of State James Baker is (of
course) a member of Carlyle's inner circle and he bristles at the
notion that the company somehow manipulates world events.
"I
say that's bullshit, and you can print it!" Baker snapped at a
reporter. "Somebody would say, 'well, you had one of the bin Laden
brothers as an investor.' Well, that's exactly right," he says, adding
that the bin Ladens are one of the wealthiest families in the Middle
East and have disowned Osama.
(Duh Alert: After 9/11 Rubenstein announced he had returned the bin Ladens' $2 million investment.)
Rubenstein has stopped trying to deny the benefits of his company's toady hyper-connectedness:
"We've actually replaced the Trilateral Commission" as the darling of conspiracy theorists," Rubenstein jokes.
So
there we are. The new owner of one of the most important documents in
mankind's march towards democracy has been purchased by Carlyle
co-founder David Rubenstein. His new acquisition will be housed and
conserved, at taxpayer expense, at the National Archives.
The
value of Rubensteins copy of the Magna Carta is sure to continue to
rise, even as the paradigm-shattering rights it was the first to
enshrine into law slip, one by one, from our lives today.
- Each
year since 1997, the US-based Electronic Privacy Information Center and
the UK-based Privacy International have undertaken what has now become
the most comprehensive survey of global privacy ever published. The
Privacy & Human Rights Report surveys developments in 70 countries,
assessing the state of surveillance and privacy protection.
The
most recent report published in 2007, available at
http://www.privacyinternational.org/phr, is probably the most
comprehensive single volume report published in the human rights field.
The report runs over 1,100 pages and includes 6,000 footnotes. More
than 200 experts from around the world have provided materials and
commentary. The participants range from eminent privacy scholars to
high-level officials charged with safeguarding constitutional freedoms
in their countries. Academics, human rights advocates, journalists and
researchers provided reports, insight, documents and advice. In 2006
Privacy International took the decision to use this annual report as
the basis for a ranking assessment of the state of privacy in all EU
countries together with eleven non-EU benchmark countries. Funding for
the project was provided by the Open Society Institute (OSI) and the
Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust. Follow this link for more details of last
year's results.
The intention behind this project is two-fold.
First, we hope to recognize countries in which privacy protection and
respect for privacy is nurtured. This is done in the hope that others
can learn from their example. Second we intend to identify countries in
which governments and privacy regulators have failed to create a
healthy privacy environment. The aim is not to humiliate the worst
ranking nations, but to demonstrate that it is possible to maintain a
healthy respect for privacy within a secure and fully functional
democracy.
This study and the accompanying ranking chart measure
the extent of surveillance and privacy. They do not intend to
comprehensively reflect the state of democracy or the full extent of
legal or parliamentary health or dysfunction in these countries (though
the two conditions are frequently linked). The aim of this study is to
present an assessment of the extent of information disclosure,
surveillance, data exploitation and the general state of information
privacy.