Correa’s
dad took that frightening chance in the 1960s, a time when his family,
like almost all families in Ecuador, was destitute. Ecuador was the
original “banana republic†— and the price of bananas had hit the
floor. A million desperate Ecuadorans, probably a tenth of the entire
adult population, fled to the USA anyway they could.
“My mother told us he was working in the States.â€
His
father, released from prison, was deported back to Ecuador. Humiliated,
poor, broken, his father, I learned later, committed suicide.
At
the end of our formal interview, through a doorway surrounded by
paintings of the pale plutocrats who once ruled this difficult land, he
took me into his own Oval Office. I asked him about an odd-looking
framed note he had on the wall. It was, he said, from his daughter and
her grade school class at Christmas time. He translated for me.
“We
are writing to remind you that in Ecuador there are a lot of very poor
children in the streets and we ask you please to help these children
who are cold almost every night.â€
It was kind of corny. And kind of sweet. A smart display for a politician.
Or maybe there was something else to it.
Correa
is one of the first dark-skinned men to win election to this Quechua
and mixed-race nation. Certainly, one of the first from the streets.
He’d won a surprise victory over the richest man in Ecuador, the owner
of the biggest banana plantation.
Doctor Correa, I should say,
with a Ph.D in economics earned in Europe. Professor Correa as he is
officially called — who, until not long ago, taught at the University
of Illinois.
And Professor Doctor Correa is one tough character.
He told George Bush to take the US military base and stick it where the
equatorial sun don’t shine. He told the International Monetary Fund and
the World Bank, which held Ecuador’s finances by the throat, to go to
hell. He ripped up the “agreements†which his predecessors had signed
at financial gun point. He told the Miami bond vultures that were
charging Ecuador usurious interest, to eat their bonds. He said ‘We are
not going to pay off this debt with the hunger of our people. †Food
first, interest later. Much later. And he meant it.
It was a
stunning performance. I’d met two years ago with his predecessor,
President Alfredo Palacio, a man of good heart, who told me, looking at
the secret IMF agreements I showed him, “We cannot pay this level of
debt. If we do, we are DEAD. And if we are dead, how can we pay?â€
Palacio told me that he would explain this to George Bush and
Condoleezza Rice and the World Bank, then headed by Paul Wolfowitz. He
was sure they would understand. They didn’t. They cut off Ecuador at
the knees.
But Ecuador didn’t fall to the floor. Correa, then
Economics Minister, secretly went to Hugo Chavez Venezuela’s president
and obtained emergency financing. Ecuador survived.
And thrived. But Correa was not done.
Elected
President, one of his first acts was to establish a fund for the
Ecuadoran refugees in America — to give them loans to return to Ecuador
with a little cash and lot of dignity. And there were other dragons to
slay. He and Palacio kicked US oil giant Occidental Petroleum out of
the country.
Correa STILL wasn’t done.
I’d returned from
a very wet visit to the rainforest — by canoe to a Cofan Indian village
in the Amazon where there was an epidemic of childhood cancers. The
indigenous folk related this to the hundreds of open pits of oil sludge
left to them by Texaco Oil, now part of Chevron, and its partners. I
met the Cofan’s chief. His three year old son swam in what appeared to
be contaminated water then came out vomiting blood and died.
Correa
had gone there too, to the rainforest, though probably in something
sturdier than a canoe. And President Correa announced that the company
that left these filthy pits would pay to clean them up.
But it’s
not just any company he was challenging. Chevron’s largest oil tanker
was named after a long-serving member of its Board of Directors, the
Condoleezza. Our Secretary of State.
The Cofan have sued Condi’s
corporation, demanding the oil company clean up the crap it left in the
jungle. The cost would be roughly $12 billion. Correa won’t comment on
the suit itself, a private legal action. But if there’s a verdict in
favor of Ecuador’s citizens, Correa told me, he will make sure Chevron
pays up.
Is he kidding? No one has ever made an oil company pay
for their slop. Even in the USA, the Exxon Valdez case drags on to its
18th year. Correa is not deterred.
He told me he would create an
international tribunal to collect, if necessary. In retaliation, he
could hold up payments to US companies who sue Ecuador in US courts.
This is hard core. No one — NO ONE — has made such a threat to Bush and Big Oil and lived to carry it out.
And, in an office tower looking down on Quito, the lawyers for Chevron were not amused. I met with them.

“And
it’s the only case of cancer in the world? How many cases of children
with cancer do you have in the States?†Rodrigo Perez, Texaco’s top
lawyer in Ecuador was chuckling over the legal difficulties the Indians
would have in proving their case that Chevron-Texaco caused their kids’
deaths. “If there is somebody with cancer there, [the Cofan parents]
must prove [the deaths were] caused by crude or by petroleum industry.
And, second, they have to prove that it is OUR crude — which is
absolutely impossible.†He laughed again.
The oil company lawyer added, “No one has ever
proved scientifically the connection between cancer and crude oil.â€
Really? You could swim in the stuff and you’d be just fine.
The
Cofan had heard this before. When Chevron’s Texaco unit came to their
land the the oil men said they could rub the crude oil on their arms
and it would cure their ailments. Now Condi’s men had told me that
crude oil doesn’t cause cancer. But maybe they are right. I’m no
expert. So I called one. Robert F Kennedy Jr., professor of
Environmental Law at Pace University, told me that elements of crude
oil production — benzene, toluene, and xylene, “are well-known
carcinogens.†Kennedy told me he’s seen Chevron-Texaco’s ugly open pits
in the Amazon and said that this toxic dumping would mean jail time in
the USA.

But it wasn’t as much what the Chevron-Texaco lawyers
said that shook me. It was the way they said it. Childhood cancer
answered with a chuckle. The Chevron lawyer, a wealthy guy, Jaime
Varela, with a blond bouffant hairdo, in the kind of yellow chinos
you’d see on country club links, was beside himself with delight at the
impossibility of the legal hurdles the Cofan would face. Especially
this one: Chevron had pulled all its assets out of Ecuador. The Indians
could win, but they wouldn’t get a dime. “What about the chairs in this
office?†I asked. Couldn’t the Cofan at least get those? “No,†they
laughed, the chairs were held in the name of the law firm.
Well,
now they might not be laughing. Correa’s threat to use the power of his
Presidency to protect the Indians, should they win, is a shocker. No
one could have expected that. And Correa, no fool, knows that
confronting Chevron means confronting the full power of the Bush
Administration. But to this President, it’s all about justice,
fairness. “You [Americans] wouldn’t do this to your own people,†he
told me. Oh yes we would, I was thinking to myself, remembering
Alaska’s Natives.
Correa’s not unique. He’s the latest of a new
breed in Latin America. Lula, President of Brazil, Evo Morales, the
first Indian ever elected President of Bolivia, Hugo Chavez of
Venezuela. All “Leftists,†as the press tells us. But all have
something else in common: they are dark-skinned working-class or poor
kids who found themselves leaders of nations of dark-skinned people who
had forever been ruled by an elite of bouffant blonds.
When I
was in Venezuela, the leaders of the old order liked to refer to Chavez
as, “the monkey.†Chavez told me proudly, “I am negro e indio†— Black
and Indian, like most Venezuelans. Chavez, as a kid rising in the ranks
of the blond-controlled armed forces, undoubtedly had to endure many
jeers of “monkey.†Now, all over Latin America, the “monkeys†are in
charge.
And they are unlocking the economic cages.
Maybe
the mood will drift north. Far above the equator, a nation is ruled by
a blond oil company executive. He never made much in oil - but every
time he lost his money or his investors’ money, his daddy, another oil
man, would give him another oil well. And when, as a rich young man out
of Philips Andover Academy, the wayward youth tooted a little blow off
the bar, daddy took care of that too. Maybe young George got his powder
from some guy up from Ecuador.
I know this is an incredibly
simple story. Indians in white hats with their dead kids and oil
millionaires in black hats laughing at kiddy cancer and playing musical
chairs with oil assets.
But maybe it’s just that simple. Maybe in this world there really is Good and Evil.
Maybe
Santa will sort it out for us, tell us who’s been good and who’s been
bad. Maybe Lawyer Yellow Pants will wake up on Christmas Eve staring at
the ghost of Christmas Future and promise to get the oil sludge out of
the Cofan’s drinking water.
Or maybe we’ll have to figure it out
ourselves. When I met Chief Emergildo, I was reminded of an evening
years back, when I was way the hell in the middle of nowhere in the
Prince William Sound, Alaska, in the Chugach Native village of Chenega.
I was investigating the damage done by Exxon’s oil. There was oil
sludge all over Chenega’s beaches. It was March 1991, and I was in the
home of village elder Paul Kompkoff on the island’s shore, watching
CNN. We stared in silence as “smart†bombs exploded in Baghdad and
Basra.
Then Paul said to me, in that slow, quiet way he had, “Well, I guess we’re all Natives now.â€
Well, maybe we are. But we don’t have to be, do we?
Maybe
we can take some guidance from this tiny nation at the center of the
earth. I listened back through my talk with President Correa. And I can
assure his daughter that she didn’t have to worry that her dad would
forget about “the poor children who are cold†on the streets of Quito.
Because the Professor Doctor is still one of them.