However, for clarity's sake, we'll stick with the singular for now, and will assume -- as the entire media and political establishment does -- that the report by the Hamilton-Kean 9/11 Commission is the final "official" version.)
To put it plainly, this official account is riddled with holes:
unexplained inconsistencies, unprecedented occurrences, astounding
coincidences, mysterious lacunae, and deliberate obfuscations. It is,
in fact, a more improbable "conspiracy theory" than many of those
suggested by the much-derided "9/11 truth movement."
What's
more, the commission that was finally, grudgingly appointed to look
into the attacks was obviously a whitewash from the word go. As
I wrote
in the Moscow Times when the panel was first formed, in January 2003:
When
George W. Bush's first choice to head an "independent" probe into the
Sept. 11 attacks – suspected war criminal Henry Kissinger – went down
like a bad pretzel, he quickly plucked another warm body from the
stagnant pool of Establishment worthies who are periodically called
upon to roll out the whitewash when the big boys screw up.
Kissinger's
replacement, retired New Jersey Governor Thomas Kean, was a "safe pair
of hands," we were assured by the professional assurers in the
mainstream media. The fact that he'd been out of public life for years
– and that he hadn't collaborated in the deaths of tens of thousands of
Cambodians, Chileans and East Timorese – certainly made him less
controversial than his predecessor, although to be fair, Kissinger's
expertise in mass murder surely would have given the panel some unique
insights into the terrorist atrocity.
But now it seems that Kean
might possess some unique insights of his own. Fortune Magazine reports
this week that both Kean and Bush share an unusually well-placed
business partner: one Khalid bin Mahfouz – a shadowy figure who looms
large in the financial web that binds the Bushes, the bin Ladens and
the Saudis.
Kean, like so many worthies, followed the revolving
door out of public service into lucrative sweetheart deals and
well-wadded sinecures on corporate boards. One of these, of course, is
an oil company – pretty much a requirement for White House work these
days. (Or as the sign says on the Oval Office door: "If your rigs ain't
rockin', don't come a-knockin'!") Kean is a director of Amerada Hess,
an oil giant married up to Saudi Arabia's Delta Oil in a venture to
pump black gold in Azerbaijan. (The partnership is incorporated in a
secretive offshore "tax haven," natch. You can't expect a worthy like
Kean to pay taxes like some grubby wage slave.)
Among Delta's
biggest backers are close associates of the aforesaid Mahfouz, a Saudi
wheeler-dealer who has helped bankroll some of most dubious players on
the world scene: Abu Nidal, Manuel Noreiga, Saddam Hussein and George
W. Bush. Mahfouz was also a front for the bin Laden family, funneling
their vast wealth through American cut-outs in a bid to gain power and
influence in the United States, reports Wayne Madsen of In These Times.
One
of those cut-outs was Mahfouz factotum James Bath, a partner in George
W.'s early oil venture, Arbusto (and a comrade in suspension from
Bush's glory-less days as an AWOL National Guardsman). Bath has
admitted serving as a pass-through for secret Saudi money. Years later,
when Bush's maladroit business skills were about to sink another of his
companies, Harken Energy, the firm was saved by a $25 million
investment from a Swiss bank – a subsidiary of the Bank of Credit and
Commerce International (BBCI), partly owned by the beneficent Mahfouz.
What
was BCCI? Only "one of the largest criminal enterprises in history,"
according to the United States Senate. What did BCCI do? "It engaged in
pandemic bribery of officials in Europe, Africa, Asia and the
Americas," says journalist Christopher Bryon, who first exposed the
operation. "It laundered money on a global scale, intimidated witnesses
and law officers, engaged in extortion and blackmail. It supplied the
financing for illegal arms trafficking and global terrorism. It
financed and facilitated income tax evasion, smuggling and
prostitution."
Sort of an early version of the Bush Regime, then.
This
boatload of heavy Establishment lumber was piloted by the Commission's
executive director, Phillip Zelikow, who determined just what got
investigated, and what did not. As the world knows, Zelikow was a Bush
Administration insider, a Condi Rice colleague who had helped pick many
of the Administration figures he was now called upon to probe. After
the Commission finally produced its report -- printed on sheets of
Swiss cheese -- Zelikow went to work for Condi at the State Department.
The
profound failures of the Commission report have been amply detailed
elsewhere by many hands. For our purposes here it is enough to say that
it was not a thorough, independent investigation in any way, and that
such a probe is still needed: a genuinely independent, wide-ranging,
in-depth investigation, with full subpoena powers and full access to
all material, whatever its security classification -- and testimony
under oath, and under pain of perjury, from every relevant official,
including the president and the vice president.
Let us have such a probe, and let the chips fall where they may....
But
you and I know that there will never be an investigation like that into
9/11. Regardless of what it might or might not reveal about the origin
of the attacks, such a free-wheeling, fully-powered probe would
inevitably uncover other vast swamps of bloody murk in the shadowlands
where state power, criminal gangs, covert ops and financial interests
mingle, merge, squabble and seethe. It would, in other words, open a
window into the real way that the world works, into the bestial realm
of raw power and savage greed that churns on behind the facade of
public events and the trappings of state.
And this infernal
blazon must not be to ears of flesh and blood. The rubes are never to
know what their betters are getting up to, and how they are getting up
to it, and the true cost -- in blood, so much blood, so much suffering
and sorrow -- of their goings-on.
That said, I certainly applaud
any and all efforts to force something like a more real investigation
into events of that portentous day.
I also wrote more extensively about it in a mainstream
U.S. paper, the Bergen Record, in February 2003, when PNAC had rated
only a very few mentions in the American press. In both of these
articles, I also noted that after 9/11 -- which was duly described as a
"new Pearl Harbor" by Bush and his officials -- almost the entire PNAC
agenda became official U.S. government policy.
These are just
indisputable facts: The Bushists admitted they needed a "new Pearl
Harbor" to enact their program. They got a "new Pearl Harbor." Then
they enacted their program.
It seems to me that any genuine
investigation into 9/11 would include, among many other avenues and
areas of exploration, a look into whether these facts represent one of
the most astonishing pieces of political luck in history, or something
else. Pace the genuinely estimable George Monbiot, Greg Palast and
others, that doesn't seem like an outrageous idea to me.
But as I said, I don't believe we will ever see such an investigation.