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Created on Monday, 09 July 2007 22:38
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Written by Robert Parry
NYT on Iraq: Better Late Than Never?
by
Robert Parry

In an extraordinary full-length editorial, the New York Times has called for an end to the U.S. military occupation of Iraq, a step that some anti-war Americans may praise as a turning-point while others will be left wondering why it took the nation’s leading newspaper more than four years – and scores of thousands of dead – to figure this out.
To its credit, the Times does acknowledge that its previous pro-occupation positions – favoring rebuilding what the U.S. invasion had destroyed and worrying about the dire consequences that might result from a U.S. withdrawal – were faulty.
The Times concedes that whatever horrors might follow the end of
the U.S. military occupation, they are not likely to be avoided by an
indefinite continuation; that it is time to admit that a grotesque
mistake in U.S. national security policy was made in 2003 and readjust
strategy to make the best of it.
“It is time for the United
States to leave Iraq, without any more delay than the Pentagon needs to
organize an orderly exit,†the editorial states.
Many anti-war
Americans are sure to welcome the belated support of a newspaper whose
own credulous reporting about Iraq’s mythical weapons of mass
destruction played a key role in opening the path to war. The editorial
also is certain to be denounced by the dwindling members of George W.
Bush’s political cult as surrender or treason.
But a deeper
question, which the United States eventually must face, is why so many
of its leading journalistic institutions performed so badly in the
run-up to the Iraq War and what can be done about it.
Why were
small, under-funded news outlets, like our own Consortiumnews.com, able
to get these big stories mostly right, both before and after the
invasion, while the prestige news organizations got the stories almost
completely wrong – in both their reporting and opinion columns?
In
2002 and 2003, Consortiumnews.com was even operating on a part-time
basis – because we had run out of money in 2000. But simply by
filtering out the nonsensical propaganda and doing some old-fashioned
reporting, we were able to avoid many of the pitfalls of the Times, the
Washington Post and the major networks.
For instance, near the
start of the U.S. invasion, I contacted a number of my old military and
intelligence sources, who voiced near unanimous concern about the WMD
rationale behind the war and the rationality of a U.S.-British-led
conquest of an Arab nation.
The only hope for meaningful
success, these sources felt, was the unlikely possibility that Iraqis
indeed would welcome the Americans as liberators and that WMD
stockpiles would be discovered, thus justifying the invasion in the
world’s eyes. In the opening days of the invasion, however, it became
clear that neither eventuality was likely.
Iraqi Resistance
The
unexpectedly strong Iraqi resistance despite the overwhelming firepower
of the U.S. invasion force was an early warning sign of what was to
come. Also, the absence of any Iraqi counterattack with chemical or
biological weapons underscored how hollow the Bush administration’s
alarmist rhetoric was.
So, only 10 days into the invasion, I
compiled the doubts of my sources, along with the early reality of the
invasion, into a Consortiumnews.com article entitled “Bay of Pigs Meets
Black Hawk Down,†which asserted that the war was already effectively
“lost†and that the wisest course would be to start looking for an
early exit strategy.
But the Bush administration propagandists and the compliant U.S. news media were not finished misleading the American people.
When
the invading forces ousted Saddam Hussein’s government in April 2003,
the American press corps continued to collaborate with the Bush
administration’s image-manipulators by making a handful of Iraqis
helping to pull down Hussein’s statue look like a massive public
uprising. The trick was accomplished by showing only close-ups, not a
wide-angled look at the small knot of people actually participating.
Then,
not wanting to challenge the post-statue-toppling public opinion polls,
the U.S. media shifted into full triumphal mode, hailing Bush as some
kind of conquering hero and fawning over his P.R. stunt of a tail-hook
landing on the USS Abraham Lincoln, where he declared victory under a
giant “Mission Accomplished†banner.
Amid this premature
euphoria, the warning signs of impending disaster were missed. When the
evidence kept growing of the emerging calamity, even pre-war skeptics
like the New York Times editorial writers offered arguments for why the
United States must now succeed in Iraq.
A favorite battle cry
during this middle period was “failure is not an option,†although I
noted in one article in August 2005 that “no one in Washington has made
a convincing case that failure is not at least a strong possibility.â€
Though
widely ignored by the U.S. news media, the evidence actually pointed to
an al-Qaeda desire for the Americans to remain bogged down in Iraq as a
way for the terrorist organization to attract new recruits, raise more
money and rebuild its organizational infrastructure along the
Afghan-Pakistani border.
According to one key intercepted
al-Qaeda document, the view of the senior leadership was that
“prolonging the war [in Iraq] is in our interest.â€
Al-Qaeda’s
greatest fear in Iraq was that the United States would withdraw its
forces quickly, depriving the terrorist group of its chief recruiting
pitch, causing many of its young recruits to go home, and prompting
nationalist Iraqis to root out al-Qaeda operatives trying to establish
an enclave. [See Consortiumnews.com’s “Bush Is Losing the War on
Terror.â€]
Contrary to Bush’s claim that al-Qaeda’s plan was to
oust U.S. forces from Iraq and then “follow us home,†the terrorist
group’s actual strategy appears to be: trap the Americans in Iraq
indefinitely, harden a new generation of terrorists, and exploit Muslim
anger about the Iraq occupation to justify terrorist strikes against
the West.
In its July 8 editorial, the New York Times finally
has come to grips with this reality. The tragedy is that the Iraq War
already has claimed the lives of more than 3,500 American soldiers and
possibly hundreds of thousands of Iraqis.
Before the war is
finally brought to an end, the total death toll is likely to put George
W. Bush in the Pol Pot category of mass butchers.
But what
historical infamy should fall on the heads of the major U.S. news
organizations that were the handmaidens to the slaughter? And what can
Americans do to ensure that a similar catastrophe never befalls the
nation?
Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in
the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book,
Secrecy & Privilege: Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to
Iraq, can be ordered at secrecyandprivilege.com. It's also available at
Amazon.com, as is his 1999 book, Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the
Press & 'Project Truth.'