Dark Plots in Byzantine Beirut
by Conn Hallinan
According to the U.S. mainstream media and the Bush Administration, the fighting in Lebanon between Fatah al Islam and the Lebanese Army is really a proxy battle between the Lebanese government of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora over efforts by Syria to destabilize Lebanon and snuff a UN investigation into the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in 2005.
"Fatah Al-Islam is a terrorist organization that has been imported into Lebanon," said Saad al-Hariri, a leader of the Sunni Future Movement, a supporter of the current government, and son of Rafik Hariri. "The side that stands behind it is known, and its aims are known."
White House spokesman Tony Snow
said, "We will not tolerate attempts by Syria, terrorist groups or any
others to delay or derail Lebanon's efforts to solidify its sovereignty
or to see justice in the Hariri case."
But writing in the
Cairo-based, English language weekly Al Ahram, Beirut journalist Lucy
Fielder says that Fatah al-Islam's anti-Shiite ideology caused it to
break from the Syrian-backed Fatah al-Intifada last November.
The
Syrian government is dominated by the Alawites-a variety of Shiism-who
make up only about 12 percent of Syria's Muslim population. The rest
are overwhelmingly Sunni. In short, Fatah al-Islam, with its extremist
philosophy of Sunni Salafism, is an anathema to the Damascus regime.
According
to Ahmed Moussalli, an expert on Islamic movements at the American
University at Beirut, Fatah al-Islam's rise is a direct outgrowth of
the split between Siniora's Sunni-dominated government and the Shiia
organization, Hezbollah. The latter is closely aligned with Syria,
which withdrew its troops from Lebanon shortly after Hariri's
assassination.
On May 29, the UN Security Council voted to set
up an international court to try those suspected of involvement in
Hariri's death.
"In Lebanon in the last few months," according
to Moussalli, "it seems the Hariri group has been channeling funds and
allowing weaponry to enter in order to create a Sunni militiato bargain
with Hezbollah."
Back in March, investigative journalist
Seymour Hersh found exactly the same thing. "American, European, and
Arab officials I spoke to told me that the Siniora government and its
allies has allowed some aid to end up in the hands of emerging Sunni
radical groups in Northern Lebanonthese groups, though small, are seen
as a buffer to Hezbollah; at the same time their ideological ties are
with Al-Qaeda."
Hersh interviewed Alastair Crooke, a veteran of
almost three decades in the British intelligence service, MI6. Crooke
told Hersh, "The Lebanese government is opening space for these people
to come in. It could be very dangerous."
According to Crooke, when
Fatah al-Islam showed up at the Nahr al-Bared Palestinian refugee camp
in Tripoli, the scene of the recent fighting, "within twenty four hours
they were being offered weapons and money by people presenting
themselves as representatives of the Lebanese government's
interests-presumably to take on Hezbollah."
"The key players,"
in the drive against Syria and Iran, according to Hersh, "are
Vice-president Dick Cheney, Deputy National Security Advisor Elliot
Abrams, the departing Ambassador to Iraq (and nominee for United
Nations Ambassador), Zalmay Khalilzad, and Prince Bandar bin Sultan,
the Saudi national-security advisor."
Hersh's sources include
current and former Bush Administration officials, and a "senior member"
of the House Appropriations Committee.
Just prior to the outbreak of fighting in Lebanon, Cheney made an "off the radar" visit-no press-to Saudi Arabia.
In
an interview with Democracy Now host Amy Goodman, Hersh called the U.S.
charge of Syrian involvement in the current fighting "beyond belief."
After
a May 21 visit to Beirut, European Union (EU) Foreign Minster Javier
Solana also said that he saw no evidence of Syrian involvement in the
recent fighting.
Fatah al-Islam leader, Shakir al-Abssi, fled
Syria for Lebanon when the Damascus authorities cracked down on
militant Islamic groups, and, according to the New York Times, killed
his son-in-law. It is no accident that almost a third of Fatah
al-Islam's fighters are Saudis. The Riyadh government has been
bankrolling anyone who will join its Sunni alliance against Shiia Iran.
While
the fighting has been situated in a Palestinian refugee camp, the
Palestinians have kept at arm's distance from Fatah al-Islam. "This is
a gang, and only 3 or 4 percent of its members are Palestinians,"
according to Sultan Abul Ainain, head of the Lebanese Fatah movement.
"What they've done is an attempt to create a rift between the
Palestinians and the Lebanese government."
Hezbollah leader
Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah accused the U.S. of trying to destabilize the
country by importing its war against al-Qaeda to Lebanon, and called
for a negotiated settlement rather than a military assault on the Nahr
el-Bared camp. "Does it concern us that we start a conflict with al
Qaeda in Lebanon and consequently attract members and fighters of al
Qaeda from all over the world to Lebanon to conduct their battle with
the Lebanese Army and the rest of the Lebanese?" Nasrallah asked
rhetorically in a recent speech.
According to Robert Fisk of the
Independent, Hezbollah has assured the French, Italian and Spanish
governments that their soldiers stationed as peacekeepers in the South
of Lebanon will be safe from attacks by Fatah al-Islam.
The fact that
Syria's closest ally in the region has agreed to protect EU troops from
the Sunni extremists in Tripoli suggests that Nasrallah and Damascus
are on the same page in the current fighting. It is highly unlikely
that Syria would sponsor a group from whom Hezbollah has agreed to
shelter EU soldiers.
The Bush Administration is already
gearing up to pump $280 million in military aid to the Siniora
government. According to an anonymous U.S. official, "Lebanon will get
whatever it takes to boost its internal defense capability to control
its territory."
Well, yes and no. The U.S. vetoed rockets for
Lebanese Army's Gazelle helicopters and Belgium Leopard tanks because
of concerns that the weapons might be used against Israel in the future.
The
flood of military hardware may well mean that when the Lebanese Army
finishes off Fatah al-Islam it will turn its weapons on Hezbollah,
possibly in conjunction with a new attack by Israel. The latter is
openly being talked about in Israeli circles, and Gush Shalom founder
Uri Avnery warns that a third Lebanon war is a real possibility.
According
to Fisk, if the Israelis do attack, the results would be a "far fiercer
war than the 34-day conflict last June and July." Hezbollah has
apparently been building a network of roads and bunkers north of
Lebanon's Litani River in preparation for just such an attack.
So,
what happened? In their effort to isolate Iran and Syria, did Cheney,
Abrams, Khalizad, and Bandar ramp up an anti-Hezbollah militia that
went haywire and attacked the Lebanese Army instead? Or was that the
plan from the beginning: use the fighting as an excuse to ship arms to
the Siniora government, turn those arms on Hezbollah in conjunction
with another Israeli invasion, and reignite Lebanon's civil war?
"The
dangers of a conflagration that could spread across the country are
serious," Professor Charles Harb of American University of Beirut wrote
in the Guardian.
"The U.S. once nurtured the mujahideen in Afghanistan,
only to pay the price much later. In the dangerous game of sectarian
conflict, everyone stands to lose."
Conn Hallinan is an
analyst for Foreign Policy in Focus, a winner of a Project Censored
Award, and did his PhD dissertation on the history of insurrectionary
organizations in Ireland.
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