For Boycott to Be Effective, an International Coalition Is Indispensable
by Ramzy Baroud
South Africa's Minister of Intelligence Ronnie Kasrils whispered to me as I sat down following a most enthusiastic speech I gave at a recent conference in Cape Town: "if you want the world to heed to your call for boycotting Israel, the call has to originate from the Palestinian leadership itself."
Kasrils is obviously right. The call for boycotting the racist Apartheid government was an exclusively South African endeavour, made resonantly and repeatedly by the African National Council (ANC) and backed by the various liberation movements in the country and in exile.
It took years for the dedicated campaign to be effective. The
message communicated to the international community was clear and
simply persuasive: put an end to Apartheid. It was but only a facet of
various methods of struggle, notwithstanding the armed struggle which
spread to Namibia, Angola and other African countries.
Nonetheless it
was a committed strategy. One of the architects of the campaign which
boycotted banks involved in investing in South Africa, presented me
with an elaborate plan to involve civil societies in holding to account
banks that facilitate the Israeli occupation economically and thereby
help to facilitate its existence. It comprised a clear strategy, a
straightforward plan of action and non-negotiable demands.
Is
a similar campaign possible in the Palestinian case? Many people seem
to think so. In fact, calls for boycotting Israel have dotted the
political landscape of the Arab-Israeli and later Palestinian-Israeli
conflict for years. The main obstacle to utilising civil societies in
compelling Israel to end its brutal policies against the Palestinians
is that these efforts are neither centralised nor do they emanate from
a respected Palestinian authority and leadership.
Despite their good
intentions, and their sincere solidarity, they remain uncoordinated and
lack a clear set of objectives.
A young Indian activist, who
spent days on end urging shoppers at Britain's Marks and Spencer, to
boycott the store for contributing to the Israeli occupation, recalled
her utter frustration with the fact that many of the store's customers
were Arabs from the Gulf. While nothing beats a good deal, she failed
to understand why a wealthy Arab would find it morally permissible to
patronise a company that contributed to the occupation.
Needless to
say, the same scenario is repeated at many Starbucks branches, despite
the corporate management's unabashed support of Israel.
I
called Ahmed Youssef, the chief political advisor to Palestinian Prime
Minister Ismail Haniyeh to ask him whether such a call for a boycott
was feasible, especially prior to the forthcoming mass rallies to be
held in London and other major cities on 9 June -- on the 40th
anniversary of the Israeli occupation. Youssef was clearly distressed;
the infighting between Palestinians had taken its toll on his often
optimistic attitude.
"How can one expect a unified leadership position
on a boycott while Palestinians are fighting on two fronts; against one
another and against Israel?"
I am certain that large numbers of
conscientious people around the world would refuse to purchase Israeli
products if they understood exactly how Israel has maintained its
illegal occupation of Palestinian land. But how can we ascertain this
fact without a professional and well organised boycott which would
provide figures and statistics as part of the campaign to pressure
companies that do business with Israel?
Should we wait for the
Palestinian leadership, some of whom are in the process of complete
capitulation, while others are struggling for basic survival and
limited to an exclusivist political ideology, to cease their
infighting, unify their ranks, rehabilitate their political
institutions and only then call for boycott?
The wait might be too long
and arduous.
One of the main objectives of my frequent
travelling has been to try and build a bridge between various proactive
organisations, linked to change and liberation, and the Palestinian
struggle. In some ways, these efforts have been successful. I believe
that by creating a wider, well coordinated platform for the struggle
against injustice, with Palestine being one of several central points
of focus, civil society can be both effective and relevant. To achieve
this, one must not dwell on specifics (in the Palestinian case, the
debate of one versus two states, armed struggle versus passive
resistance, Hamas verses Fatah, are cases in point) but search for
unifying themes, leaving the more divisive issues for Palestinians to
sort out.
The conflict in Palestine is at a very critical
juncture. Israel, brazenly aided by the two remaining imperialist
countries, the US and the UK, is in the final stages of planning its
Bantustanisation of the disconnected pockets that remain of historic
Palestine. Martin Luther King Jr once said "injustice anywhere is a
threat to justice everywhere". An Israeli victory against the
Palestinian people is indeed a defeat for every struggle for justice,
rights and equality everywhere. It simply must not be allowed.
But how
to prevent this is a debate that should immediately commence without
reverting to dogmatic approaches and language, political or religious
sensitivities, and most importantly without any sense of ownership over
the discourse, which is sadly creeping up in Palestinian circles
everywhere.
Ramzy Baroud’s latest book: The Second
Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People’s Struggle (Pluto Press,
London) is available from Amazon.com and other venues.
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