
Sites of Interest
(courtesy Empire Burlesque)
Arthur Silber
Angry Arab
Antiwar.com
A Tiny Revolution
Gore Vidal
William Blum/Killing Hope
Baltimore Chronicle
Buzzflash
Magnificent Valor
The Distant Ocean
Glenn Greenwald
Horton/Harper's
Informed Comment
Vast Left
TomDispatch
Truthdig
Welcome to the Sideshow
Winter Patriot
Andy Worthington
Alicublog
Counterpunch
Mark Crispin Miller
Dennis Perrin
Booman Tribune
Crooks and Liars
ConsortiumNews
Eschaton
Black Agenda Report
LRB Blog
The Raw Story
Sadly, No!
James Wolcott
William Bowles
European Tribune
Iraq Vets Against the War
Blues and Dreams
Bright Terrible Spirit
The first is my belief that Obama hates being a prisoner of the Zionist
lobby and its stooges in Congress. (I think that Max Hastings, a former
editor of the Daily Telegraph and a well respected military historian, was spot on when he wrote the following in a recent article for the Daily Mail.
“Privately, Obama yearns to come down hard n Netanyahu, whom he
dislikes intensely. But the US President does not dare to do this when
his own re-election may hinge on the 3 per cent of American voters who
are Jewish.”)
The second, and much more to the real point, is that behind closed
doors there are now many in the top levels of America’s military,
intelligence and foreign policy establishments who are aware that an
Israel which has no interest in peace with the Palestinians, and is led
by men who want war with Iran, is an Israel that is much more of a
liability than an asset for the US. There is also awareness in the top
levels of America’s military, intelligence and foreign policy
establishments that Netanyahu decided to play the Iran threat card in
order to divert attention away from Israel’s ongoing consolidation of
its occupation of the West Bank and, in short, to have Palestine taken
off the American foreign policy agenda.
The third is the insight given to me by former President Jimmy Carter
when my wife and I met him and Rosalyn after they had said goodbye to
the White House. “Any American president has only two windows of
opportunity to break or try to break the Zionist lobby’s stranglehold on
Congress on matters to do with Israel Palestine.”
The first window is during the first nine months of a president’s first
term because after that the soliciting of funds for the mid-term
elections begins. Presidents don’t have to worry on their own account
about funds for mid-term elections, but with their approach no president
can do or say anything that would offend the Zionist lobby and cost his
party seats in Congress. The second window of opportunity is the last
year of his second term if he has one. In that year, because he can’t
run for a third term, no president has a personal need for election
campaign funds or organized votes. (I imagine that incoming President
Obama, briefed by Carter or not, was fully aware of these limited
windows of opportunity and that was why he tried in his first nine
months to get a freeze on Israel’s illegal settlement activity.)
So my answer to Burston’s headline question is yes, Netanyahu could very well be in trouble if Obama wins a second term.
A good indication of Netanyahu’s fear of a second term Obama is, I
think, the mountain of money his seriously wealthy supporters in America
are investing in the effort to get a Republican into the White House
who will allow Netanyahu and the Zionist lobby to pull his strings.
Question: Given that he does not want Obama to have a second term, what now are Netanyahu’s options?
I can see three possibles.
One is to watch and wait and hope that there will be a downturn in the
American economy between now and November that will assist a Republican
presidential candidate to defeat Obama.
Another is to launch a unilateral attack on Iran’s nuclear sites (never
mind that Iran’s leaders have not taken a decision to go nuclear for
weapons and possibly never will unless Iran is attacked).
Question: How might initiating a war with Iran assist Netanyahu to put Obama in real trouble?
One short answer is that the probable regional and global fall-out of
an Israeli attack on Iran, including soaring oil prices, could bring
what is being presented as a slow but sure recovery of the American
economy to a swift halt. And that, most likely, would be enough to
guarantee Obama’s defeat in November. (In an analysis for The National Interest,
an American bimonthly foreign policy journal, Paul Pillar, a former,
very senior CIA analyst and today a visiting professor at Georgetown
University for security studies, noted that the welfare of American
consumers and workers is “not high” on the list of decision-making
criteria for Netanyahu and his government.)
There is, however, one thing that could cause Netanyahu not to go with
this option. Quite apart from the fact that Israel’s past and present
intelligence and military chiefs are divided on the wisdom of a
unilateral Israeli attack on Iran, the polls are showing that a majority
of Israeli Jews are opposed to Israel going it alone with an attack on
Iran. They’re in favour of Iran being attacked but only if America
becomes engaged and takes the lead.
And that brings us to a possible third option for Netanyahu. It is to
commission a Mossad false flag operation – an attack on a vital American
interest or interests for which Iran could be and would be framed.
The Zionist lobby, Obama’s Republican rivals and much if not all of the
American mainstream media would promote this falsehood as fact, and
that could leave Obama with no choice but to commit American military
power. If he did not, his Republican challenger or challengers, assisted
by the Zionist lobby and most if not all of the American mainstream
media, would accuse him of failing to protect America’s security
interests and betraying Israel. And that, given the ignorance of
American public opinion, would almost certainly be enough to guarantee
Obama’s defeat.
For his own part Obama absolutely does not want war another war. He’s
frightened, as he should be, of the possible/probable consequences.
Quite apart from the possible/probable economic consequences (including
soaring petrol prices in America), Obama understands completely that US
engagement in a new and broader regional war will ignite more
anti-Americanism and play into the hands of Arab and other Muslim
radicals and extremists, perhaps to the point of assisting them to
become the dominant political power in the region. And that, were it to
happen, would be potentially catastrophic for America’s best interests
in the Arab and wider Muslim world. (Netanyahu would, of course, be
quietly pleased because his Israel needs enemies.)
So far as I am aware there is no well informed commentator who is
prepared to make an explicit prediction about what Netanyahu will do –
whether he will or will not order a unilateral Israeli attack on Iran in
the closing stages of the American election. If I had to bet my life on
it, I’d say he won’t; but there’s a real danger that his anti-Iran
rhetoric, described in a recent Haaretz editorial as “a combination of wretchedness and megalomania”, may create an unstoppable momentum for war.
As my readers know, I regard Haaretz as the most honest
newspaper in the world on the subject of what is really happening in
Israel. Its view of Netanyahu was on display in a recent editorial
headlined “Israel must not lend itself to Netanyahu’s vulgar rhetoric on
Iran.” I think the whole editorial ought to be required reading not
only for those who want to replace Obama as president but for all
American voters. Here is the text of it:
Anyone who cares about Israel's future could not help but feel a chill upon hearing Benjamin Netanyahu's recent speech at the AIPAC [American Israel Public Affairs Committee] conference – if not because of the gravity of the existential threat it described, then because of its sheer vulgarity and bad taste. The prime minister, as if he were no more than a surfer leaving feedback on a website, did not hesitate to crassly compare Israel today to the situation of European Jewry during the Holocaust. And to spice up his speech with one of those visual gimmicks he so loves, he even pulled out a photostat of correspondence in order to imply a comparison between US President Barack Obama's cautious approach toward attacking Iran and President Franklin D. Roosevelt's refusal to bomb the rail lines to Auschwitz.
Netanyahu sometimes seems like he is holding a debating competition with himself. Every speech is the “speech of his life” and must overshadow its predecessor, while afterward, as if they were rehashing a sporting event, he and his aides gleefully count the number of standing ovations, especially from his American listeners. And in order to wring an ovation from the end of every sentence, it seems as if all means are legitimate: kitsch (trash) and death, threats and vows, warnings and rebukes of the entire world.
This time, too, it's not quite clear what he wanted to obtain via this inane rhetoric – a combination of wretchedness and megalomania – aside from applause. Did he want pity? To prick the conscience of the world? To terrify himself, or perhaps to inflame the Churchillian fantasy in which he lives? But one thing is clear: Aside from the fact that he deepened our feelings of victimhood, insulted the American president and narrowed the options for diplomacy, Netanyahu did not improve Israel's situation one jot by this speech, just as he hasn't by any of his others.
Netanyahu isn't the first Israeli prime minister, especially from the right, to harp on the trauma of the Holocaust. But in contrast to Menachem Begin and Ariel Sharon, who at the moment of truth also displayed diplomatic and leadership abilities, Netanyahu was and remains essentially a PR man: someone for whom words and rhetoric replace reality. The spine-chilling fear is that one day, all of us – himself included, despite his caution and hesitation – will discover too late that we have become hostages to his Churchillian speech, but without a Churchillian victory.
I’ll conclude with my own favourite story about Netanyahu.
Way back in 1984 I had an appointment for lunch in New York with the
Englishman I most admire, Brian (later knighted) Urquhart. He was an
undersecretary-general of the UN with the responsibility for conflict
management. He served four secretary-generals and was, in fact, the
world’s number one trouble-shooter. Because of his matchless grasp of
international affairs and his integrity, he was respected by leaders on
both sides of all the conflicts he managed. And he never pulled his
punches in behind-closed doors exchanges with leaders. On one private
occasion Prime Minister Begin said he should not talk with Arafat.
Urquhart looked Begin in the eye and said: “Mr Prime Minister, I am the
servant of the international community, don’t you dare to tell me who I
can and cannot talk to!”
When Brian arrived for lunch, he said as he was sitting down, “I’ve just met the most dangerous man in the world.”
I asked who it was.
Brian replied: “He’s just presented his credentials as Israel’s ambassador to the UN, Binyamin Netanyahu.”