Egypt Soccer Violence: The Military’s Political Game
by Dr. Ashraf Ezzat l Pyramidion
Egyptians infuriated b
y the deaths
of 74 people in soccer violence staged protests in central Cairo and
clashed with the police forces, as the army-led government came under
fire for failing to prevent the deadliest incident since the overthrow
of Hosni Mubarak.
For the third day in a row, Deadly clashes continue to rage
in Egypt over football riots leaving 12 killed and more than 2500
wounded in street clashes over authorities’ failure to stop Port Said
football violence.
Protesters
chant anti-government slogans during a protest condemning the death of
soccer fans at Port Said stadium, near the Interior Ministry in Cairo,
Feb. 2
State media reported renewed scuffles between members of the security
forces encircling the building of the ministry of interior and
demonstrators who included hardcore soccer fans, aka Ultras, known for confronting the police and who were on the frontlines of protests against the military throughout the last year.
The Ultras played a prominent role with anti-government activists in
the uprising that toppled president Hosni Mubarak a year ago, and a
spokesman on their behalf has suggested pro-Mubarak forces were behind
the soccer incident, or at least complicit.
The soccer violence will likely strike news followers as most
unfortunate and tragic accident, but for the supreme military council of
armed forces of Egypt (SCAF), a council reluctant to relinquish
power, it will definitely strike a different chord.
For a military institution that is supposed to hand over power to
civilians by next July, after a monopoly of power for more than six
decades, any incident that would allow chaos and insecurity to prevail
will certainly be welcomed.
A stampede is an act of mass impulse among a crowd
of people in which the crowd collectively begins running with no clear
direction or purpose. But last Wednesday’s soccer violence that left 74
killed and at least 1,000 people injured in the Egyptian coastal city of
Port Said when soccer fans invaded the pitch after local team al-Masry
beat Cairo-based Al Ahli, has been no accidental stampede.
The fingers are once again pointing at the police’s complicity in the
bloody incident as well as the overall instability and insecurity that
has been afflicting the country since the fall of Mubarak.
The scenes and initial investigations proved all the gates to the
football pitch were deliberately ordered open minutes before the end of
the match, and also showed the police forces stood still and did almost
nothing to prevent the disaster.
“It seems the whole thing had been planned beforehand.” said Mahmoud el-Sayed, one of the football players at Al-Ahly club (the most famous football club in Africa)
While the violence escalated in Port Said stadium, the police forces practically did nothing to prevent it.
While a whole year has lapsed since the Egyptian revolution erupted,
it is getting more and more obvious every day that toppling Mubarak was
the easy part of the revolt and the real battle, if you like, that has
been raging throughout the last year is between the will of the people
and the mighty apparatus of the police and the military, who have
practically been running the show in Egypt since 1952.
What happened in the stadium of Port Said, a continuation of the
security vacuum policy, could only be explained as part of a plan by the
military council and the interior ministry to push the country into
chaos and force Egyptians to embrace military rule.
That fact that SCAF succeeded in securing
parliamentary elections (completed in January 2012) across nine
different governorates but were incapable of securing a football match
where clashes were possible raises few legitimate doubts about the
hidden motivations behind the soccer riots and the seriousness of the
military to cede power to a civilian government as well.
Egypt’s ruling generals have put themselves on a collision course
with the country’s new parliament after declaring that MPs will not have
the final say over the drafting of a fresh constitution. Being referred
to as “the guardian of constitutional legitimacy”, SCAF is pushing for a
constitution draft that includes guiding principles for Egypt’s new
constitution, but also, and most importantly, introduces amendments that
would shield the military from civilian oversight.
SCAF is being pressured to hand over power to a civilian
administration and a civilian president as soon as possible. But the top
brass, refusing to get out of the scene empty handed, suggest the armed
forces should have the final word on major policies even after a new
president is elected.
But that is not likely to resonate well among the revolutionaries and
political activists and will be the more reason for protests and
violence to escalate on the Egyptian street, for the Arab spring has
confirmed one thing: the army is not fit to govern – neither in Egypt
nor in Syria or Yemen.