The World War on Democracy
Lisette
Talate died the other day. I remember a wiry, fiercely intelligent
woman who masked her grief with a determination that was a presence. She
was the embodiment of people’s resistance to the war on democracy.
I
first glimpsed her in a 1950s Colonial Office film about the Chagos
islanders, a tiny creole nation living midway between Africa and Asia in
the Indian Ocean. The camera panned across thriving villages, a church,
a school, a hospital, set in a phenomenon of natural beauty and peace.
Lisette remembers the producer saying to her and her teenage friends,
"Keep smiling girls!"
Sitting in her kitchen in
Mauritius many years later, she said, "I didn’t have to be told to
smile. I was a happy child, because my roots were deep in the islands,
my paradise. My great-grandmother was born there; I made six children
there. That’s why they couldn’t legally throw us out of our own homes;
they had to terrify us into leaving or force us out. At first, they
tried to starve us. The food ships stopped arriving [then] they spread
rumours we would be bombed, then they turned on our dogs."
In the early 1960s, the Labour
government of Harold Wilson secretly agreed to a demand from Washington
that the Chagos archipelago, a British colony, be "swept" and
"sanitised" of its 2,500 inhabitants so that a military base could be
built on the principal island, Diego Garcia. "They knew we were
inseparable from our pets," said Lisette, "When the American soldiers
arrived to build the base, they backed their big trucks against the
brick shed where we prepared the coconuts; hundreds of our dogs had been
rounded up and imprisoned there. Then they gassed them through tubes
from the trucks’ exhausts. You could hear them crying."
Lisette and her family and
hundreds of islanders were forced on to a rusting steamer bound for
Mauritius, a distance of 2,500 miles. They were made to sleep in the
hold on a cargo of fertiliser: bird shit. The weather was rough;
everyone was ill; two women miscarried. Dumped on the docks at Port
Louis, Lizette’s youngest children, Jollice, and Regis, died within a
week of each other. "They died of sadness," she said. "They had heard
all the talk and seen the horror of what had happened to the dogs. They
knew they were leaving their home forever. The doctor in Mauritius said
he could not treat sadness."
This act of mass kidnapping was
carried out in high secrecy. In one official file, under the heading,
"Maintaining the fiction", the Foreign Office legal adviser exhorts his
colleagues to cover their actions by "re-classifying" the population as
"floating" and to "make up the rules as we go along". Article 7 of the
statute of the International Criminal Court says the "deportation or
forcible transfer of population" is a crime against humanity. That
Britain had committed such a crime -- in exchange for a $14million
discount off an American Polaris nuclear submarine -- was not on the
agenda of a group of British "defence" correspondents flown to the
Chagos by the Ministry of Defence when the US base was completed. "There
is nothing in our files," said a ministry official, "about inhabitants
or an evacuation."
Today, Diego Garcia is crucial
to America’s and Britain’s war on democracy. The heaviest bombing of
Iraq and Afghanistan was launched from its vast airstrips, beyond which
the islanders’ abandoned cemetery and church stand like archaeological
ruins. The terraced garden where Lisette laughed for the camera is now a
fortress housing the "bunker-busting" bombs carried by bat-shaped B-2
aircraft to targets in two continents; an attack on Iran will start
here. As if to complete the emblem of rampant, criminal power, the CIA
added a Guantanamo-style prison for its "rendition" victims and called
it Camp Justice.
What was done to Lisette’s
paradise has an urgent and universal meaning, for it represents the
violent, ruthless nature of a whole system behind its democratic façade,
and the scale of our own indoctrination to its messianic assumptions,
described by Harold Pinter as a "brilliant, even witty, highly
successful act of hypnosis." Longer and bloodier than any war since
1945, waged with demonic weapons and a gangsterism dressed as economic
policy and sometimes known as globalisation, the war on democracy is
unmentionable in western elite circles. As Pinter wrote, "it never
happened even while it was happening". Last July, American historian
William Blum published his "updated summary of the record of US foreign
policy". Since the Second World War, the US has:
1. Attempted to overthrow more than 50 governments, most of them democratically-elected.
2. Attempted to suppress a populist or national movement in 20 countries.
3. Grossly interfered in democratic elections in at least 30 countries.
4. Dropped bombs on the people of more than 30 countries.
5. Attempted to assassinate more than 50 foreign leaders.
In total, the United States has
carried out one or more of these actions in 69 countries. In almost all
cases, Britain has been a collaborator. The "enemy" changes in name –
from communism to Islamism -- but mostly it is the rise of democracy
independent of western power or a society occupying strategically useful
territory, deemed expendable, like the Chagos Islands.
The sheer scale of suffering,
let alone criminality, is little known in the west, despite the presence
of the world’s most advanced communications, nominally freest
journalism and most admired academy. That the most numerous victims of
terrorism – western terrorism – are Muslims is unsayable, if it is
known. That half a million Iraqi infants died in the 1990s as a result
of the embargo imposed by Britain and America is of no interest. That
extreme jihadism, which led to 9/11, was nurtured as a weapon of western
policy ("Operation Cyclone") is known to specialists but otherwise
suppressed.
While popular culture in Britain
and America immerses the Second World War in an ethical bath for the
victors, the holocausts arising from Anglo-American dominance of
resource-rich regions are consigned to oblivion. Under the Indonesian
tyrant Suharto, anointed "our man" by Thatcher, more than a million
people were slaughtered. Described by the CIA as "the worst mass murder
of the second half of the 20th century", the estimate does not include a
third of the population of East Timor who were starved or murdered with
western connivance, British fighter-bombers and machine guns.
These true stories are told in
declassified files in the Public Record Office, yet represent an entire
dimension of politics and the exercise of power excluded from public
consideration. This has been achieved by a regime of un-coercive
information control, from the evangelical mantra of consumer advertising
to sound-bites on BBC news and now the ephemera of social media.
It is as if writers as watchdogs
are extinct, or in thrall to a sociopathic zeitgeist, convinced they
are too clever to be duped. Witness the stampede of sycophants eager to
deify Christopher Hitchens, a war lover who longed to be allowed to
justify the crimes of rapacious power. "For almost the first time in two
centuries", wrote Terry Eagleton, "there is no eminent British poet,
playwright or novelist prepared to question the foundations of the
western way of life". No Orwell warns that we do not need to live in a
totalitarian society to be corrupted by totalitarianism. No Shelley
speaks for the poor, no Blake proffers a vision, no Wilde reminds us
that "disobedience, in the eyes of anyone who has read history, is man’s
original virtue".
And grievously no Pinter rages at the war machine, as
in American Football:
Hallelujah.
Praise the Lord for all good things ...
We blew their balls into shards of dust,
Into shards of fucking dust …
Into shards of fucking dust go
all the lives blown there by Barack Obama, the Hopey Changey of western
violence. Whenever one of Obama’s drones wipes out an entire family in a
faraway tribal region of Pakistan, or Somalia, or Yemen, the American
controllers in front of their computer-game screens type in "Bugsplat".
Obama likes drones and has joked about them with journalists. One of his
first actions as president was to order a wave of Predator drone
attacks on Pakistan that killed 74 people. He has since killed
thousands, mostly civilians; drones fire Hellfire missiles that suck the
air out of the lungs of children and leave body parts festooned across
scrubland.
Remember the tear-stained headlines when Brand Obama was elected: "momentous, spine-tingling": the Guardian. "The American future," wrote Simon Schama, "is all vision, numinous, unformed, light-headed ..." The San Francisco Chronicle’s
columnist saw a spiritual "lightworker [who can] usher in a new way of
being on the planet". Beyond the drivel, as the great whistleblower
Daniel Ellsberg had predicted, a military coup was taking place in
Washington, and Obama was their man. Having seduced the anti-war
movement into virtual silence, he has given America’s corrupt military
officer class unprecedented powers of state and engagement. These
include the prospect of wars in Africa and opportunities for
provocations against China, America’s largest creditor and new "enemy"
in Asia. Under Obama, the old source of official paranoia Russia, has
been encircled with ballistic missiles and the Russian opposition
infiltrated. Military and CIA assassination teams have been assigned to
120 countries; long planned attacks on Syria and Iran beckon a world
war. Israel, the exemplar of US violence and lawlessness by proxy, has
just received its annual pocket money of $3bn together with Obama’s
permission to steal more Palestinian land.
Obama’s most "historic"
achievement is to bring the war on democracy home to America. On New
Year’s Eve, he signed the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), a
law that grants the Pentagon the legal right to kidnap both foreigners
and US citizens and indefinitely detain, interrogate and torture, or
even kill them. They need only "associate" with those "belligerent" to
the United States. There will be no protection of law, no trial, no
legal representation. This is the first explicit legislation to abolish habeus corpus (the right to due process of law) and effectively repeal the Bill of Rights of 1789.
On 5 January, in an
extraordinary speech at the Pentagon, Obama said the military would not
only be ready to "secure territory and populations" overseas but to
fight in the "homeland" and provide "support to the civil authorities".
In other words, US troops will be deployed on the streets of American
cities when the inevitable civil unrest takes hold.
America is now a land of
epidemic poverty and barbaric prisons: the consequence of a "market"
extremism which, under Obama, has prompted the transfer of $14 trillion
in public money to criminal enterprises in Wall Street. The victims are
mostly young jobless, homeless, incarcerated African-Americans, betrayed
by the first black president. The historic corollary of a perpetual war
state, this is not fascism, not yet, but neither is it democracy in any
recognisable form, regardless of the placebo politics that will consume
the news until November. The presidential campaign, says the Washington Post,
will "feature a clash of philosophies rooted in distinctly different
views of the economy". This is patently false. The circumscribed task of
journalism on both sides of the Atlantic is to create the pretence of
political choice where there is none.
The same shadow is across
Britain and much of Europe where social democracy, an article of faith
two generations ago, has fallen to the central bank dictators. In David
Cameron’s "big society", the theft of 84bn pounds in jobs and services
even exceeds the amount of tax "legally" avoid by piratical
corporations. Blame rests not with the far right, but a cowardly liberal
political culture that has allowed this to happen, which, wrote Hywel
Williams in the wake of the attacks on 9/11, "can itself be a form of
self righteous fanaticism". Tony Blair is one such fanatic. In its
managerial indifference to the freedoms that it claims to hold dear,
bourgeois Blairite Britain has created a surveillance state with 3,000
new criminal offences and laws: more than for the whole of the previous
century. The police clearly believe they have an impunity to kill. At
the demand of the CIA, cases like that of Binyam Mohamed, an innocent
British resident tortured and then held for five years in Guantanamo
Bay, will be dealt with in secret courts in Britain "in order to protect
the intelligence agencies" – the torturers.
This invisible state allowed the
Blair government to fight the Chagos islanders as they rose from their
despair in exile and demanded justice in the streets of Port Louis and
London. "Only when you take direct action, face to face, even break
laws, are you ever noticed," said Lisette. "And the smaller you are, the
greater your example to others." Such an eloquent answer to those who
still ask, "What can I do?"
I last saw Lisette’s tiny figure
standing in driving rain alongside her comrades outside the Houses of
Parliament. What struck me was the enduring courage of their resistance.
It is this refusal to give up that rotten power fears, above all,
knowing it is the seed beneath the snow.