Poor residents of capital describe a state of siege
It
was about 11 p.m. on Feb. 1, he said, and the family was sleeping on
the floor because U.N. soldiers had advised everyone in the area to do
so. “Then they started shooting… I saw that I was wounded in one of my
arms, my wife in one of her feet and my two young girls were bathed in
their own blood.â€
He said it was MINUSTAH bullets that had
sprayed across his home killing his daughters. IPS viewed the corpses
of Stephanie, 7, and Alexandra Lubin, 4. A top MINUSTAH military
commander acknowledges the U.N. fired shots that day. Residents also
state that U.N. vehicles fired heavily down the road which the Lubin
home sits along.
Officials of MINUSTAH, whose military
contingent is headed by Brazil, have admitted to “collateral damageâ€
but say they are there to fight gangsters at the request of the René
Préval government.
Speaking at a press conference at U.N.
headquarters Wednesday, Joel Boutroue, deputy special representative of
the secretary-general for Haiti, referred to the allegation that
MINUSTAH soldiers had shot “two little girls,†but said that gang
members were responsible for the killings.
â€[The U.N. soldiers]
are taking extra care in minimising the number of civilian casualties,â€
he said. “The rules of engagement are very clear – they only shoot when
shot at…The number of casualties has been very limited.â€
However,
Boutroue acknowledged that while the U.N. does investigate some
specific cases and attempts to tally casualties in local clinics after
large operations, they do not determine whether people have been hit by
MINUSTAH or other weapons. “That’s impossible to know,†he said.
U.N.
and government officials have pointed to one gang leader in particular
named Evans. In recent weeks they have arrested a number of men from
his group.
But many residents and local human rights activists
say that scores of people who have no involvement with gangs have been
killed, wounded and arrested in the raids and fighting. A climate of
fear persists in much of Cite Soleil.
IPS observed that
buildings throughout Cité Soleil were pockmarked by bullets; many
showing huge holes made by heavy calibre U.N. weapons, as residents
attest. Often pipes that brought in water to the slum community now lay
shattered.
A recently declassified document from the U.S.
embassy in Port-au-Prince revealed that during an operation carried out
in July 2005, MINUSTAH expended 22,000 bullets over several hours. In
the report, an official from MINUSTAH acknowledged that “given the
flimsy construction of homes in Cité Soleil and the large quantity of
ammunition expended, it is likely that rounds penetrated many
buildings, striking unintended targets.â€
A group of religious
and human rights groups active within Cité Soleil, the Haitian
Nonviolent, Nonpartisan Coalition (HNVNPC), is attempting to revive a
peace process. A spokesman for the group, Evel Fanfan, declared we were
“forged out of the desperation of victims and leaders in the
battlefields of Cité Soleil†and call “immediately for a ceasefire.â€
The
group is attempting to work with the Préval government’s National
Commission for Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reinsertion, headed up
by Alix Fils Aimé, to renew the possibility for a peace process.
Already one armed group has offered to turn in their weapons for
amnesty and government investment in the community.
A hardened
U.N. strategy became apparent just days before Christmas, when U.N.
officials stated they were entering Cité Soleil to capture or kill
gangsters and kidnappers in the Bois Neuf zone.
According to
some residents, the Dec. 22 assault became known as Operation “Without
Pity for Cité Soleil†as the noise of the 50-mm MINUSTAH machine guns
could be heard echoing for miles.
Five days later, the people of
Bois Neuf buried 11 young people that they say were among those killed
by MINUSTAH. A huge crowd gathered in front of the caskets.
Ronald
Saint-Jean of the Group for the Defence of the Rights of the Political
prisoners (GDP) was one of the few representatives of a human rights
group to attend the funeral.
The GDP is part of a newly founded
grassroots human rights coalition called the National Coordination of
Organisations Defending Human Rights (CONODDH).
Following the
overthrow of Haiti’s elected Jean-Bertrand Aristide government,
hundreds, possibly up to a thousand, Fanmi Lavalas political activists
were imprisoned under the U.S. backed interim government, according to
a Miami University Human rights study.
Another study published
in the British medical journal, The Lancet, estimated that 8,000 had
been killed and 35,000 sexually assaulted in the greater Port-au-Prince
area during the time of the interim government (2004-2006). In the
second half of the study presented in January at the American Public
Health Association conference in Boston, the study identified 57
percent of the victims as Lavalas and 30 percent as belonging to Lespwa
– the parties of Aristide and Preval.
The Aristide
administration (2001-2004), financially embargoed by international
financial institutions, had refused to privatise state enterprises. The
embargo lost the government much needed aid, contributing to economic
decline and destabilisation. Following Aristide’s ouster, after members
of Haiti’s former military invaded from the Dominican Republic, an
interim framework was set into motion under International Monetary Fund
advisement.
According to some Haitian labour leaders, it laid
off between eight and ten thousand civil sector workers, many from the
poorest slums of Port-au-Prince.
Other programmes under the
Aristide government, such as subsidised rice for the poor, literacy
centres and water supply projects, came to a halt following the 2004
coup d’etat. A medical university, a first of its kind for Haiti,
constructed by the Aristide government was taken over by MINUSTAH
forces.
Frantz Michel Guerrier, a young man who is the spokesman
of the Committee of Notables for the Development of Cité Soleil and
based in the Bois Neuf zone, said “It is very difficult for me to
explain to you what the people of Bois Neuf went through on Dec. 22,
2006—almost unexplainable. It was a true massacre. We counted more than
sixty wounded and more than 25 dead among [them] infants, children and
young people.â€
“We saw helicopters shoot at us, our houses
broken by the tanks,†Guerrier told IPS. “We heard detonations of the
heavy weapons. Many of the dead and wounded were found inside their
houses. I must tell you that nobody had been saved, not even the
babies. The Red Cross was not allowed to help people. The soldiers had
refused to let the Red Cross in categorically, in violation of the
Geneva Convention.â€
The U.N. denies that it blocked ambulances
from entering the slum but acknowledges that a peacekeeper did shoot
out an ambulance tire in Port-au-Prince that day. Multiple residents
told IPS that MINUSTAH, after conducting its operations, evacuated
without checking for wounded. U.N. sources say gang members shoot with
small arms at their detachments.
Residents and Lavalas officials
explain they oppose all violence and want peace. But sources close to
the National Palace speak of immense pressure to toughen its stance on
Cité Soleil to dislodge armed groups.
Opposition remains strong
against MINUSTAH’s military style tactics in the densely populated
neighbourhoods. On Feb. 7, the 21st anniversary of the fall of the
Duvalier dictatorship, a huge march took place in Port-au-Prince with
smaller demonstrations in Cap-Haïtien, Saint-Marc, Miragoâne, Jacmel,
Léogâne and Gonaïves, all calling for an end to the violence and that
Aristide be allowed to return to the country.
Wadner Pierre and Jeb Sprague are primary contributors to HaitiAnalysis.com