A 51st State for Armed Robotic Drones
Weaponized UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles), also known as drones,
have their own caucus in Congress, and the Pentagon's plan is to give
them their own state as well.
Under this plan, 7 million acres (or 11,000 square miles) of land in
the southeast corner of Colorado, and 60 million acres of air space (or
94,000 square miles) over Colorado and New Mexico would be given over to
special forces testing and training in the use of remote-controlled
flying murder machines.
The full state of Colorado is itself 104,000
square miles. Rhode Island is 1,000 square miles. Virginia, where I
live, is 43,000 square miles.
The U.S. military (including Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marines) is
proceeding with this plan in violation of the public will, new state
legislation on private property rights, an exceptionally strong federal
court order, and a funding ban passed by the United States Congress, and
in the absence of any approved Environmental Impact Statement.
Public
pressure has successfully put the law on the right side of this issue,
and the military is disregarding the law.
I spoke with Jean Aguerre, whose organization "Not 1 More Acre" ( http://not1moreacre.net
) is leading the pushback against this madness. Jean told me she grew
up, during the 1960s, on the vast grasslands of southeast Colorado,
where the Comanche National Grasslands makes up part of a system of
grasslands put in place to help the prairie recover from the dust bowl.
The dust bowl, Aguerre says, was the worst environmental disaster in the
United States until BP filled the Gulf of Mexico with oil. The dust
bowl had been brought on by the government's policy of requiring
homesteaders to plow the prairie. The recovery programs created large
tracts of land, of 100,000 acres and more, owned by "generational
ranchers," that is families that would hand the ranches off to their
children.
Aguerre said she grew up on a ranch of incredible beauty and natural
wealth, with a 165-million-year-old dinosaur track way and petroglyphs
from 12,000 years back. Grasslands are the most threatened ecosystems in
the world because they are so accessible, Aguerre says, and the only
intact short grassland left in this country is the one being targeted
for the "51st state."
Round One began in the 1980s. Fort Carson, an Army base in Colorado
Springs, had been kept open after World War II and now began looking for
more land. The people of the area were opposed. The U.S. Congressman
representing the area agreed to oppose any landgrab. But Senator Gary
Hart took the opposite position. As a result, during the early 1980s,
the Army Corps of Engineers started telling ranchers to sell out or risk
seeing their land condemned and taken from them.
The ranch next to Aguerre's is called Wine Glass Rourke. It was sold
to a shill, as Aguerre describes the buyer. He ran the place into the
ground with too many cattle, she says, and then sold it to the military,
"And they were off and running!" With condemnations the military put
together 250 thousand acres. Ranchers, along with their cattle, were
moved off their own land by federal marshals. "We didn't know when we'd
be next," Aguerre says of her own family.
Luckily for the people of Colorado and New Mexico, and all of us,
Aguerre got involved in politics. She became a political director for
Congressman Tim Werth who later became a U.S. senator. Aguerre took him
to see the Wine Glass Rourke ranch and told him "Let's take it back."
Werth dedicated his staff to the effort for three years, resulting in
the transfer to the Forest Service of 17,000 key acres.
The Army used its new land less than twice a year for maneuvers, but
caused horrible environmental damage whenever it did. That was the case
for about 30 years, until the activity of recent years made everything
that came before look sensitive and sustainable.
In the meantime, people like Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld were
theorizing the transformation of the U.S. military into a force for
robotic warfare. Aguerre believes it was in 1996 that a decision was
made that the military would need a robotic warfare center. Around 1999
the Programmatic Environmental Impact Statement was created. This
precedes the more specific Site Environmental Impact Statements. The
U.S. public, just like the public of any foreign nation where new U.S.
bases are being planned, was told nothing.
In 2006, Aguerre was working in Oregon when friends started asking
her to come home and help because something big was happening. An Army
land expansion map had been leaked that showed plans for taking over 6.9
million acres, the whole southeast corner of the state. Aguerre thought
she would come home for two weeks but has never left. An Environmental
Impact Statement for the site was about to be released, and Aguerre knew
that meant the project was pretty far along. She formed organizations
and found a lawyer in Colorado Springs named Steve Harris to help. The
two of them, she says, were absolutely dedicated to NEPA and FOIA. NEPA
is the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969. FOIA is the Freedom of
Information Act of 1966. "NEPA is intended to prevent our government
taking our world apart piece by piece without our knowing it," explains
Aguerre.
Aguerre and others persuaded the area's county commissioners to vote
against the military's plans in 2006, and the state legislature to pass a
private property rights bill in January 2007 -- a bill that required
approval of such plans by the state legislature.
Ken Salazar was the military's hired servant. He had been Attorney
General of Colorado from 1999 to 2005. He was a U.S. Senator from 2005
to 2009. President Barack Obama has made him Secretary of the Interior.
Around 2007, Jean Aguerre recounts, Salazar held a public meeting in
Pueblo, Col., with about 300 ranchers packing the room. He turned his
palms up to the ceiling and announced: "I will lift the golden curtain
that falls at the end of El Paso county so that prosperity can flow onto
the eastern plains." This meant that military spending was economically
beneficial. Military expansion, people were being told, was good for
them -- even if it stole their families' land, and regardless of what
momentum it created for the launching and continuing of wars.
"Instead of putting together frameworks for nonproliferation," says
Aguerre, "Ken Salazar worked to destroy the last intact short grass
prairie because the money was too good."
Senators Wayne Allard, who would join the military lobbyist company
the Livingston Group within weeks of leaving the Senate, and Ken Salazar
passed an authorization for taking land as part of the 2007 John Warner
Defense Authorization Act. "None of the ranchers knew they were in line
to be condemned for the second damn time," says Aguerre.
John Salazar, Ken's brother, at this time represented Colorado's
third congressional district, while Republican Marilyn Musgrave
represented the fourth. Musgrave was persuaded by ranchers that there
was no need for the government to take their land. Aguerre worked with
Musgrave's staff to draft a one-sentence funding ban. Aguerre and her
allies then organized massive public pressure to recruit John Salazar as
a Democratic co-sponsor. Ken Salazar failed in his effort to block this
measure in the Senate. The ban passed both houses and became law, but
it must be renewed every year.
In 2009, Aguerre and her allies won a federal court ruling throwing
out the military's Environmental Impact Statement with harsh and
unequivocal language -- "one of the strongest court orders under NEPA,"
says Aguerre. By 2008, the military had begun using its land a lot more,
and the court ruling did not stop them.
The funding ban, too, is not stopping increased activity. This past
year, the funding ban was missing from a committee chairman's markup in
which it had appeared in previous years. Not 1 More Acre and its allies
pressured Third-District Congressman Scott Tipton. People from all over
the country phoned his office. They were told that as non-constituents
their views did not matter. Aguerre advised people to reply: "When you
pick my pocket you don't ask what district I'm from." Tipton was won
over, and the funding ban, for what it's worth, remains for now.
Nonetheless, says Aguerre, the military is proceeding with and increasing trainings and environmental destruction daily .
Senators Mark Udall and Michael Bennet of Colorado and Tom Udall of
New Mexico don't receive high marks from Jean Aguerre. "Mark Udall on
Armed Services and Michael Bennet on Agriculture sit with their thumbs
in their pie. Udall has never once come to southeastern Colorado and
looked young ranchers in the eye and said 'this is why we need this
military takeover of your lands.'"
Aguerre continues: "And Tom Udall puts out this pap the other day,
mumbo jumbo about the Air Force. It's not Air Force; it's Special
Operations. Aguerre said that her group and others are preparing a
comment letter seeking legal standing to challenge the Air Force, and
potentially to pry loose more information from the iron grip of our
"transparent" government. Aguerre points out that the Air Force Special
Operations Command Environmental Assessment was written by SAIC, a
global military contractor that also makes voting machines.
"We found out that the state national guard is completely involved in
UAV warfare," says Aguerre. "So when your house floods and you don't
have the national guard there, they may be remotely piloting something
somewhere else."
Aguerre says that in 2006 she knew of four countries that were
manufacturing armed UAVs, and that now she knows of 56. So, the argument
that drones keep "people" out of harm's way (with people redefined to
mean U.S. citizens) doesn't hold up very solidly. We have also already
had a suicide bomb attack on a drone piloting location and had drone
pilots commit suicide, not to mention the risks of long-term blowback,
the damage being done to the rule of law, and all the human beings
killed and injured from among the non-U.S. 95% of humanity.
Aguerre asks scientists who love unarmed UAVs to consider the full
effect of supporting such technology. I would ask environmentalists to
consider the full effect of not resisting the destruction of what Not 1
More Acre describes as:
• unique bioregions of canyonlands, forested mesas, grasslands and
riparian systems providing habitat for diverse flora and fauna found
nowhere else on Earth and the largest block of native prairie remaining
on the High Plains;
• restored Dust Bowl lands – Comanche, Kiowa and
Rita Blanca National Grasslands — offering robust safe haven to
threatened and endangered species of plants and animals, including rare
insects and reptiles yet to be named;
• wild rivers and complex wetlands vital to native fish, migrating birds, unique wildlife and environmental health.
I would ask opponents of drone warfare to consider the likely impact
of setting aside 60 million acres of air space for testing drones.
"We cannot allow the sacrifice of our democracy to politicians who
are bought by military contractors," says Aguerre. "If they are able to
get this 51st state for robotic warfare, I think the economy will be
irretrievably lost. These are unbelievably beautiful and pristine lands.
Our rural areas are where the genetically modified seeds are being
planted, where the lands and mountains are being mined, and where the
military is going to destroy an area the size of a state, because the
rural people are so few. Gary Hart was able to attack the last short
grass prairie without political cost."
Why is there no political cost? Because "we can't get the word out."
Let's help get the word out by sharing this link: http://not1moreacre.org